Tony Bennett Cleared in A-F grading controversy

September 9, 2013

(Guest Post from Matthew Ladner)

We now have a bipartisan analysis of what actually happened in Indiana grading-gate scandal. Rick Hess covers the subject here:

Flash-forward five weeks, and we finally have a resolution. The headline: Bennett exonerated. That’s the conclusion of a 56-page official report, requested by Indiana’s legislative leaders, and released Friday.  Authored by Democrat John Grew, executive director of state relations and policy analysis at Indiana University, and Republican Bill Sheldrake, president and founder of Indianapolis-based research firm Policy Analytics, the report finds that Bennett acted appropriately and fair-mindedly.  Grew and Sheldrake spent the past month or so investigating what happened and reviewing the data.  They concluded that Bennett and his staff made “fair” and “plausible” changes to Indiana’s school rating system before releasing 2012′s A-F grades.  They found that a lack of planning and capacity had forced Bennett and his team to make a series of on-the-fly “interpretations” and judgments, but that  Bennett and his staff “consistently” applied changes to Christel House and 180 other affected schools.  In short, nothing to see here.

Since Tony’s critics are on the whole fair-minded people with only a tiny minority suffering from some sort of derangement syndrome, I’m sure Tony’s inbox will be filling up with apologies. Some analysts who were willing to pontificate much with little in the way of facts just might be feeling a bit sheepish today as well. Pundits are extremely responsible after all and never just shuffle on to the next subject when they are way off base on something.

I have believed from the outset that no one from Diane Ravitch to Charles Murray sitting in Tony’s position would have told 16 schools without junior and senior students to simply eat getting zero points from graduation rates and AP completion categories. “Would you shut up already and get some juniors and seniors” is simply not a response that any half-way reasonable person was going to utter.  I have also believed from the outset that if the changes made applied to only one school then it was a scandal, but that if they evenly applied the changes across schools then this was a hatchet-job.

For the record it was a hatchet-job.


More Camp Liberty

September 9, 2013

Last month I had a post, “Camp Liberty,” in which I wrote:

At the time my fellow counselors and I used to joke that “boys day”resulted in an anarchic state like Lord of the Flies, with the only exception being that we didn’t kill Piggy.  But looking back on it, I see that summer camp was probably the closest thing to true liberty that our kids had experienced.  It was certainly more conducive to liberty than school, which gave almost exclusive emphasis to obedience to authority.  School was where kids were trained to obey the state and become cogs in a giant corporate machine.  Camp was where they learned to be free….

I’ve argued before that schools might have a lot to learn from camps.  They are both engaged in the activity of trying to prepare young people for adult life.  But I think camps are much more effective at preparing young people to be free adults.  I even think camps are remarkably effective at conveying traditional academic content.  And they do so at much lower cost. 

Continuing this theme I want to draw your attention to a great essay by Mark Slouka in the Wall Street Journal a few weeks ago describing his memories of summer camp.  Be sure to follow the link and read the whole piece but here is a good snippet:

How do you describe bliss for a sixth-grade boy? We ate what we wanted, slept when we wanted. Nobody cared. There were ponds. Older girls, their hair shining in the afternoon sun, lay out naked on floating rafts. This was scary. And not….

And so it went, a blur of mud and glory. When problems appeared, solutions—both eloquent and effective—were right behind. After listening to me argue with a kid named Scotty Steinberg for a week, Don went to the barn and came back with two pairs of boxing gloves. We should “figure it out,” he said. Everybody made a circle around us (something boys are hard-wired to do) and Scotty and I banged away at each other. I won. I think. After that we were friends and talked about it a lot….

During our last week, Don drove us to a rock climbing place near New Paltz, N.Y., where he introduced us to a guy named Tray who knew about climbing. Tray, as I recall, was very strong and didn’t wear underwear, and his girlfriend, who lived with him in the tent next to ours, often didn’t wear anything at all. Every now and then the screen door would unzip and Tray or his girlfriend would emerge from a cloud of smoke that didn’t smell at all like my father’s cigarettes.

Did we climb a cliff and risk our lives? Why, yes, we did. When another camper named David Mosher and I proved we could do 10 pull-ups on a tree branch (this was the qualifying test), Tray escorted us up a 250-foot cliff. I can vouch for the fact that 250 feet is very high. The pine trees between my sneakers looked about an inch tall. David started to cry. I was too scared to cry. When we came down, though, we told everybody it was fun. And it was. By God, it was.

When my father picked me up at the end of that month, he hardly recognized the feral, grinning creature that gave him a quick kiss and crawled into the back seat of the car. Or maybe he did, having been 12 once himself.

Yep.  Camp Liberty.


McGee and Winters Find and Then Eat the Pension Free Lunch

September 4, 2013

Building upon the work of Costrell and Podgursky, University of Arkansas alums, Josh McGee and Marcus Winters, have a fascinating report out today on how teacher retirement plans could be restructured in a cost-neutral way that would:

  • Raise teacher salaries, in some cases substantially;
  • Give teachers more retirement security than they now have;
  • Make teaching a more attractive option for people who are unsure that they will work for decades in the same school district; and
  • Offer teachers more control over when they stop working.

Of course, there is no such thing as a free lunch, but McGee and Winters have found something close.  The current system of back-loading teacher compensation to provide large pension benefits only to teachers who remain in their profession in the same state transfers wealth from more mobile or short-term teachers.  Smoothing out the spike in pension wealth and making some shift from deferred to current compensation would produce the benefits described above.  Some teachers might lose but the vast majority would come out ahead.  And the resulting system would be simpler, fairer, and more likely to attract quality people to teaching.

Here’s how McGee and Winters put it:

This paper examined the effect of cost-neutral changes to the structure of teacher compensation that, compared to current practices, would both increase teacher take-home salaries and offer a more secure retirement savings path for the majority of teachers.

Those who support the traditional DB pension systems that predominate across U.S. public schools correctly argue that such systems offer teachers a higher potential maximum retirement wealth than can be achieved under a cost equivalent smooth accrual system. However, our analysis makes clear that the higher maximum offered by the current system comes at a cost to a large share—often the heavy majority—of the teaching workforce: those who do not remain in their school systems for some three decades to become eligible for the maximum payout. In fact, these plans are explicitly designed to pay higher retirement benefits to long-career employees by reallocating wealth from teachers who exit the system earlier in their careers. As the detailed results for each of the 10 largest school systems provided in the final section of this paper demonstrate, in many systems these plans anticipate that the vast majority of teachers will not remain employed long enough to benefit from the traditional DB. Some long-serving teachers do well, but overall, this policy harms teachers’ retirement security.

This paper has also demonstrated the effect on teacher salaries of rebalancing the proportions of compensation that go to current salary versus retirement benefits. Our results demonstrate that such a reform would substantially improve teacher take-home salaries in some major school systems (though not in others). Of course, teachers require adequate retirement wealth; however, the heavy investment in retirement—only acquired by those teachers who remain in the classroom until the plan’s arbitrary normal retirement eligibility threshold—has artificially reduced teacher salaries in many school systems. If offered the opportunity, many teachers would likely prefer a system in which they took home a larger portion of their compensation than they do today.


Theater Field Trip Experiment

September 4, 2013

Continuing my effort to study how cultural experiences affect students, I am conducting an experiment in which school groups can win free tickets to see live theater performances.  Since I expect that there will be more demand for these free tickets than supply, the school groups will be awarded the tickets by lottery — allowing for a rigorous random-assignment analysis that compares outcomes for students whose groups won the tickets by lottery to those who did not.  The purpose of this experiment is to learn about how seeing live performances with their school may affect student understanding of great works of dramatic literature as well as influence their values (particularly tolerance and empathy) and their taste for future cultural consumption (e.g., going to the theater in the future, going to art museums, participating in theater, choir, etc…)

The project was announced today in conjunction with TheatreSquared, a nationally recognized theater company based in Fayetteville, Arkansas.  TheatreSquared will be adding 8 weekday matinees of its performances this season of A Christmas Carol and Hamlet, allowing almost 1,400 students to see these plays on school field trips.  To apply for these free tickets, school groups can complete the online application found here.  My students, Collin Hitt and Anne Kraybill, and I will study the impact of these performances on students.

This theater experiment follows on a study my colleagues, Brian Kisida and Dan Bowen, and I conducted on the effects of field trips to the Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art.  We similarly conducted lotteries to determine which school groups could visit the museum and studies how the experience affected students.  It also follows a natural experiment we examined in which students affected by the redrawing of school attendance zone boundaries were essentially randomly assigned to schools that went on more or fewer field trips to see live performances at the Walton Arts Center.  The results of those experiments will be published by Education Next on September 16.


Williamson: Evict the Rich!

August 30, 2013

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

If you’ve been waiting for the ultimate rejoinder to that ridiculous Slate article arguing that private schooling is evil, your wait is over. Kevin Williamson has a better idea: force rich white do-gooders to move to poor neighborhoods.


The Future of School Choice – Today

August 29, 2013

(Guest Post by Lindsey Burke)

Second grader Nathan is the beneficiary of the new frontier of school choice: education savings accounts. “Two years ago, before the ESA program, Nathan spoke with a lot of jargon and mixed responses,” says his mother Amanda. “Two years ago we weren’t even sure if we were ever going to have a conversation with him. The only reason this is possible is because we could find programs that meet his needs with ESA funds.”

Thanks to Arizona’s pioneering Empowerment Scholarship Account program, which began in 2011, children with special needs like Nathan, as well as children from active duty military families, foster care, and children in underperforming schools can exit the public system and have 90 percent of what the state would have spent on their education deposited into an education savings account. Funds are deposited onto a restricted-use debit card, and parents are then able to direct spending to any education-related service or provider of choice.

Parents can use ESA funds, deposited into their accounts quarterly, to pay for a variety of education services and providers, including private-school tuition, private tutoring, special education services, homeschooling expenses, textbooks, and virtual education. Parents may also roll over funds from year to year, and can use the money to invest in a college savings plan to pay for college tuition in the future.

I recently evaluated Arizona’s ESA program for the Friedman Foundation to determine the extent to which parents were using their ESAs to actually customize their children’s educational experience. Using data provided by the Arizona Department of Education, I found that more than one third of families used their ESAs to tailor their child’s education, purchasing multiple services and products.

 Burke Figure 4

Families use their ESAs to finance a variety of education-related services from a range of providers. One family used roughly 60 percent of their ESA funds for educational therapy, 30 percent for private tutoring, and the remainder of their ESA for curricula. Another family put three-quarters of their ESA dollars toward private school tuition and invested the remaining 25 percent in a college savings fund. A third family divvied up their ESA spending on private school tuition, tutoring, curricula, and online learning.

While most families use their ESAs like a school voucher to attend a single private institution that they have chosen, approximately 34 percent use their ESAs to finance multiple education options in a given day. ESAs move beyond the worthwhile goal of choice among schools to choice among education service providers, courses, teachers, and methods—not limited to one brick-and-mortar location.

Burke Figure 5

 

ESAs are unique in another way: whereas traditional school vouchers must be spent in their entirety, ESAs foster demand-side pressure for education providers to offer more cost-efficient educational services by creating an incentive for parents to shop for education services based in part on cost. Parents are taking opportunity costs into account, saving ESA funds in anticipation of future education-related expenses, including college tuition. During the first quarter of the 2012-13 school year, parents rolled-over 26 percent of their ESA funds.

Burke Figure 6

Arizona has created a model that other states should consider: funding children instead of physical school buildings and allowing funds to follow children to any educational provider of choice. Jonathan Butcher and I also recently detailed how state policymakers could transition more traditional voucher and tuition tax credit programs into flexible education savings accounts. They could:

  • Create public school education savings accounts. Parents could use a public school education savings account for traditional school classes, public charter school offerings, public virtual schools such as the Florida Virtual School, community colleges, or state universities.
  • Shift existing school voucher or scholarship tax credit funds to an education savings account. States with existing voucher programs or scholarship tax credit programs should allow parents to deposit voucher or scholarship funds into an education savings account in order to gain more flexibility with their child’s funds.
  • Expand the approved expenses covered by a voucher or private school scholarship. This would include expanding the uses of a school voucher or scholarship, transitioning the program into an education savings account.

We are entering a new frontier of school choice. Education savings accounts represent an advance and refinement of Friedman’s original voucher concept. Through ESAs, Arizona is moving beyond school choice to education choice.  Kym Wilber, whose son Zach is an ESA recipient, explains:

“I use Zach’s ESA funds for other things than just tuition.  Because Zach is more on the moderate to severe functioning level [in terms of special needs], his funding can be used more broadly. I have a private tutor for Zach, and I can use the (ESA) funds for that. With the ESA, I can actually go out and buy things for our home program, such as additional speech tools.”

Providing that level of customization to every child would bring American K-12 education into the 21st century and ensure no child is relegated to the existing monopolistic system in which limited effectiveness is all too prevalent in states across the country.


It’s a Blowout: Tom Vander Ark 4, New Gates PLDD Strategy 0

August 29, 2013

The research evidence continues to pile up that the old Gates strategy of promoting small schools of choice has proven effective according to rigorous random-assignment design studies, while the new Gates PLDD strategy of building a national system of standards, assessments, and consequences has virtually no rigorous evidence to support it.

Under Tom Vander Ark’s leadership the Gates Foundation not only pursued an agenda based on a plausible theory of school improvement, but also initiated a series of high-quality studies to assess the results.  Even though Gates has largely abandoned its old strategy, those results are now pouring in.  We previously saw positive outcomes from a study by Lisa Barrow, Amy Claessens, and Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach of small schools in Chicago.  A non-Gates-funded analysis by my students, Anna Egalite and Brian Kisida, showed the same advantage for smaller schools in a national sample.  And in New York City, MDRC also demonstrated significant gains from small schools of choice.

Now MDRC has an updated analysis confirming that the benefits discovered earlier were extended and endured.  Randomly assigning students to small high schools “continue[s] to produce sustained positive effects, raising graduation rates by 9.5 percentage points.”  In addition, “more students are graduating ready for college: the [small high] schools raise by 6.8 percentage points the proportion of students scoring 75 or more on the English Regents exam, a critical measure of college readiness used by the City University of New York.”

What evidence do we have to support the new Gates PLDD strategy?  Umm, well, I’m sure Fordham can gather some of their friends together and give higher letter grades to states implementing the Gates PLDD strategy.  Over $6 million can buy some really good grades.

This is what the Gates Foundation has been reduced to — an organization that used to commission the most rigorous evaluations of their reform theory now invests overwhelmingly in the marketing and spinning of their new reform theory.  And they couldn’t even stick with the old reform theory of promoting small schools of choice long enough to see whether the rigorous evidence supported it.

Small schools?!?  That is like so 2007.  I think I’ll tweet my friends all about it, since Gates is now more interested in Twitter counts than random-assignment research.  Can Gates please put a grown-up in charge, like bringing back Tom Vander Ark?

[UPDATE — An alert reader notes that the score is actually 5-0.  I forgot this study of small schools designed as early college.  Also, note the comment I added clarifying the nature of my concern with the $6 million given by Gates to Fordham.]


DOJ Lawsuit Would Keep Black Kids in Failing Schools

August 25, 2013

(Guest Post by Yehoshua Bedrick)

In the name of civil rights, the Department of Justice is trying to prevent black families from exercising school choice.

Following on the heels of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s ridiculous lawsuit against Alabama’s new school choice law, which contends that if a law doesn’t help everyone it can’t help anyone, the U.S. Department of Justice is suing to block the state of Louisiana’s school voucher program for low-income students and students assigned to failing public schools:

The Justice Department’s primary argument is that letting students leave for vouchered private schools can disrupt the racial balance in public school systems that desegregation orders are meant to protect. Those orders almost always set rules for student transfers with the school system.

Federal analysis found that last year’s Louisiana vouchers increased racial imbalance in 34 historically segregated public schools in 13 systems. The Justice Department goes so far as to charge that in some of those schools, “the loss of students through the voucher program reversed much of the progress made toward integration.”

Segregation! That’s a serious charge. What evidence does the Department of Justice cite?

In Tangipahoa Parish, for instance, Independence Elementary School lost five white students to voucher schools, the petition states. The consequent change in the percent of enrolled white students “reinforc(ed) the racial identity of the school as a black school.”

Five students! According to the National Center for Education Statistics, there were 143 white students out of 482 students at Independence Elementary School in 2010-11 (the most recent year for which data is available). Assuming that recent enrollment and racial composition is the same and that no black students received vouchers as well, that’s a shift from 29.6 percent white to 28.9 percent white. Though the students at Independence almost certainly would not have noticed a difference, the racial bean counters at the DOJ see worsening segregation.

But the DOJ is not content merely to prevent white students from exercising school choice. The petition also cites Cecilia Primary School, which in 2012-13 “lost six black students as a result of the voucher program,” thereby “reinforcing the school’s racial identity as a white school in a predominantly black school district.” In the previous school year, the school’s racial composition was 30.1 percent black, which the DOJ notes was 16.4 percentage points lower than the black composition of the district as a whole. According to the NCES, in 2010-11 there were 205 black students out of a total enrollment of 758, so the school was 27 percent black. Assuming a constant total enrollment, the DOJ’s numbers suggest that there were 228 black students in 2011-12. The loss of six black students would mean the school’s racial composition shifted from 30.1 percent black to 29.2 percent black as a result of the voucher program. Again, imperceptible to untrained eye but a grave threat to racial harmony according to the Obama administration’s Department of Justice.

These are the only two schools cited directly in the DOJ’s petition, so presumably they represent the two cases with the largest impact. A footnote reveals that “The net loss ranged up to thirteen students per school.”

Since the vast majority of voucher students are black, it is likely that the DOJ’s lawsuit would disproportionately prevent black students from enrolling in the schools of their choice.

State Education Superintendent John White took issue with the suit’s primary argument and its characterization of the program. Almost all the students using vouchers are black, he said. Given that framework, “it’s a little ridiculous” to argue that students’ departure to voucher schools makes their home school systems less white, he said. He also thought it ironic that rules set up to combat racism were being called on to keep black students in failing schools. […]

White also pointed out that the schools in the voucher program must comply with the terms of 1975 court case, Brumfield v. Dodd, that prohibits the state from giving public money to private schools that uphold segregation or discrimination.

It’s no wonder that just a few months ago, more than one thousand people attended the Black Alliance for Educational Options rally to support the program in the face of another legal challenge.

This isn’t the first time that opponents of school choice have tried to use the specter of segregation to prevent families from exercising choice, but the evidence doesn’t support their claims. According to a literature review from the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice, school choice programs thus far have had the salutary effect of reducingsegregation:

Eight empirical studies have examined school choice and racial segregation in schools. Of these, seven find that school choice moves students from more segregated schools into less segregated schools. One finds no net effect on segregation from school choice. No empirical study has found that choice increases racial segregation.

One of the problems with much of the discourse over segregation in education stems from the way it is defined. The Department of Justice here assumes that a school is segregated if its racial makeup varies from the population in that district. While most sane people wouldn’t consider a school that is roughly two-thirds white and one-third black or vice versa to be segregated, the Department of Justice does so long as the general population of the district is even more racially imbalanced. As the Friedman literature review notes:

[Professor Jay P.] Greene provides an instructive example that shows how this problem undermines the validity of such measures of segregation. In studies using the prevailing method, a school that is 98 percent white is considered perfectly integrated if it is in a school district that also is 98 percent white. The school receives this perfect score even if the 98-percent-white school district is right next door to another district that is 98 percent minority. Clearly, this should be considered segregation, but the prevailing method masks segregation when it occurs at the district level. Greene issues a concise verdict on what studies like this really are saying: “The schools are well integrated, given that they are horribly segregated.”

The studies included in the aforementioned Friedman Foundation literature review use more valid methods of measuring segregation, such as comparing the racial composition of a school to the racial composition of the wider metropolitan area (not just the school district), or measuring the occurrence of racial homogeneity.

School choice programs benefit most those who previously had the fewest educational options, particularly low-income families. Minority groups that are disproportionately low-income therefore benefit disproportionately from school choice. As the Friedman study notes, Milwaukee’s private schools were 75 percent white in 1994, but by 2008 they were only 35 percent white due to the city’s voucher program.

The Department of Justice’s lawsuit will hurt the very students it is intended to help. If DOJ apparatchiks want to reduce segregation in education, they should support efforts to expand school choice rather than try to block them.


Choice and Starfish

August 21, 2013

(Guest Post By Jason Bedrick)

Most people know the story of the boy who was rescuing sea stars that had washed up on a beach by throwing them back into the ocean. When a man scoffed to the boy that his efforts didn’t make a difference since he couldn’t save all of them, the boy tossed another sea star back into the ocean and replied, “It made a difference to that one.” The little-known ending to the story is that the boy was sued by the Southern Poverty Law Center for violating the Constitution’s Equal Protection clause.

 Sadly, this is only a slight exaggeration. Earlier this week, the Southern Poverty Law Center filed a federal lawsuit contending that Alabama’s new scholarship tax credit program violates the Equal Protection clause and harms the low-income students attending failing public schools whom the law is intended to help:

[SPLC] President Richard Cohen said the new Alabama Accountability Act will take millions away from public schools and will make the failing schools worse than they are now. He said the law was promoted by Republican Gov. Robert Bentley as giving students a way out of failing schools. 

“It’s a lie. Our clients do not have a way out of the failing schools that they are in,” he said.

The Montgomery-based law center sued on the opening day of classes for most public schools in Alabama. The suit focuses on a part of the law that allows families with children in Alabama’s 78 failing public schools to move them to a non-failing public school or to a private school that participates in the program. They can get a state tax credit of about $3,500 annually to help cover private school costs.

The lawsuit was filed on behalf of eight plaintiffs who say that they can’t afford to go to private schools and that the non-failing public schools are not accessible. The lawsuit raises equal protection issues.

One of the eight plaintiffs, Mariah Russaw, said she couldn’t afford the transportation costs even if her 12-year-old grandson, J.R., could leave Barbour County Junior High School in Clayton. All junior highs in the Barbour County school system are on the failing list. The nearest non-failing public school is 19 miles away in Pike County. The nearest private school is about 30 miles away, but it is not participating in the program.

The 62-year-old grandmother said it wouldn’t matter if the private school were participating. “I cannot afford to transport him to another school,” she said.

In short, SPLC argues that if the law can’t rescue every child from a failing school, then it shouldn’t be allowed to rescue any child. Not only would this line of reasoning hobble almost every government effort to incrementally address any problem, but the argument also rests on a misunderstanding of the status quo and the law’s likely impact.

The SPLC lawsuit claims that the law “creates two classes of students assigned to failing schools – those who can escape because of their parents’ income or where they live and those, like the Plaintiffs here, who cannot.” In fact, those two classes of students already exist. In our existing education system, low-income families are trapped in failing schools while wealthier families can afford either to live in districts with better public schools or to send their children to private school. The scholarship tax credit program is too limited to solve all the existing inequities, but it moves more students out of the first category and into the second. In other words, by expanding opportunities to low-income families, it makes an already unequal education system more equal.

Moreover, there is no evidence the program does harm to students who remain in public schools. The SPLC claims that the failing public schools are “likely to deteriorate further as their funding is continually diminished” as a result of students fleeing from those schools. But a mere assertion that harm is “likely” doesn’t cut it. Had the SPLC consulted the research literature instead of their fevered imaginations, they would have discovered that 22 of 23 studies of school choice programs found that they have positive impact on public school performance. The last study found no visible impact.

In other words, the increased choice and competition help both the students who participate in the program and those students who remain in their assigned public schools. Striking down the program would thus make matters worse for the litigants and other families like them, not better. Expanding the program would improve outcomes even further. If the SPLC is truly motivated by a desire to help low-income families, it should drop its lawsuit and join the effort to expand educational options. There are lots of sea stars left on the beach and they could use a hand.


In Defense of A-Rod

August 19, 2013

Alex Rodriguez is one of the highest paid athletes of all time.  He also has to be one of the most despised.  But this is precisely why the Yankees and MLB officials are getting away with a blatant effort to cheat A-Rod out of money for activities from which they benefited financially.

Yes, it is obvious that A-Rod has used performance enhancing drugs (PEDs) that are banned by baseball.  Yes, A-Rod often behaves like a jerk.  But being a jerk who cheats with drugs does not explain why the MLB is seeking much higher punishment of A-Rod than other baseball players who are also PED-using jerks.

The explanation is money.  If A-Rod is suspended for using banned substances the Yankees do not have to pay him during his suspension.  Given A-Rod’s sky-high salary, that saves the Yankees a large chunk of change.  It also lowers the Yankee’s payroll enough to avoid the “luxury tax” imposed on big spending teams.  And given that A-Rod has been injured and a sub-par player recently, losing his availability is a minor inconvenience to the Yankees relative to their enormous potential savings.  The Yankees are rooting for a big penalty.

I know that it is hard to feel bad for A-Rod.  He gets paid so much and has been such a disappointing player.  But the Yankees were dumb enough to sign a contract for his outrageous salary.  They shouldn’t be able to sneak out it by exploiting A-Rod’s unpopularity.  Justice is not achieved by cheating the disliked.  Justice requires that people get what they are owed, even if they are unpopular.

And for all those fans who despise A-Rod and other professional athletes for their high salaries, remember that the owners have even higher salaries and are making profits off of the players even after promising them enormous sums.  The professional athletes have extraordinary talents for which we, the fans, voluntarily pay large amounts of money to team owners who voluntarily offer high salaries to players.  Those players deserve every penny they are promised.  Hating talented people who earn large amounts of money is nothing but petty jealousy.

A system where team owners don’t have to pay players who are caught using PEDs unreasonably benefits the owners and encourages cheating.  Owners offer enormous salaries for higher-performing players, which provides incentives to players to use PEDs.  The owners benefit from those cheating players because of their higher performance.  If the players are caught, only the player suffers.  The owner, who benefited from the cheating, is off the hook financially and experiences no other loss from the cheating other than the loss of the availability of that player.

A better system of incentives would require owners to pay players even if they are suspended for PEDs.  This would provide a strong incentive to owners to avoid signing players who they strongly suspect to be cheating.  In turn, it would discourage players from using PEDs in the hopes of getting a better contract.  And it would encourage teams to monitor their own players more tightly to make sure they were not using PEDs.  If we want to drastically reduce the use of PEDs in baseball we can’t let the owners off the hook financially when players are caught.