Don’t Approve HMR Tax Change

May 4, 2010

The City of Fayetteville, like many local governments, is facing a budget squeeze as revenues have declined without a commensurate reduction in expenditures.  In those instances, responsible public officials should explain to voters that either certain services will need to be cut or taxes raised.

We don’t have that kind of public official in Fayetteville.  Instead, our local officials seem to fancy themselves as slick politicians in the minor leagues, honing their skills at the art of public manipulation so that someday they may get called up to the big leagues of deception and lording over other people.

To offset the shortfall in the city budget, Mayor Lionel Jordan and his backers have proposed grabbing money from the hotel, motel, and restaurant (HMR) tax that is currently dedicated for park development so that they can use it to cover park maintenance and then redirect the general operating funds currently devoted to park maintenance to other parts of the city budget.

Jordan and friends are saying they want voters to approve changes in the HMR tax so that the revenue can be used for things other than the development of parks, giving the city more “flexibility.”  This is just doublespeak.  The flexibility they want is the flexibility to reduce park development spending so that they can keep other city operations unchanged.

Personally, I prefer the development of more parks and the cutting of other city services.  Our parks and public bike trails are some of the best things about Fayetteville.  But I could be persuaded that we needed to defer additional park development to avoid cuts in other services if they presented the trade-offs directly and honestly.  Make the case that additional park development is less important than other city services that would be continued.

But no.  Our local public officials refuse to treat us like grown-ups and have to use deception rather than presenting us with difficult choices straightforwardly.  This is the same kind of doublespeak nonsense we saw with the business license proposal. That wasn’t really about “helping promote local business.”  That was about facilitating the taxation and regulation of businesses while helping the Chamber of Commerce effectively compel membership.

And don’t buy the fall-back argument on the HMR tax change that says we are in danger of developing so many parks that the cost of maintaining all of them would be prohibitive.  If this were true, advocates for changing the HMR tax would need to present facts about rising park maintenance costs.  They haven’t.  Park maintenance costs have not been growing at a significantly faster rate than the city budget.  In addition, park maintenance only costs $1.9 million out of a total city budget that exceeds $120 million.  The HMR tax dedicated to park development generates about $2.3 million per year.

And also don’t buy the argument that we are just correcting a “mistake” from when the HMR tax was initially adopted.  It may well be that city officials meant to include maintenance and development as potential uses of the tax, but that’s not what was on the ballot and what voters ultimately approved.  We can’t know whether voters would have approved the measure if it had permitted the funds to be used for park maintenance as well as development.  And voters are under no compulsion now to allow the money to be redirected for other purposes.  If city officials want to convince voters to approve the measure, they need to make the case that those new bike trails we are developing are less important than other uses for the same money.


Separated at Birth? Carl Newman and Mark Steyn

May 2, 2010

Which one is the cool Canadian indie-rocker and which one is the cool Canadian columnist?


UCLA Civil Rights Project Still Wrong on Charter Segregation

April 27, 2010

How U.S. public schools should look according to CRP analysis

My colleagues, Gary Ritter, Nathan Jensen, Brian Kisida, and Josh McGee, have a piece in the coming issue of Education Next dissecting the recent UCLA Civil Rights Project (CRP) report on charter school racial segregation.  This was their initial take on the CRP report, but now they have taken a more detailed look and still find that CRP is wrong.

The primary error of the CRP report is that it compares charter to traditional public schools nationwide or at the state level.  Comparisons at this high level of aggregation are completely inappropriate because charters are concentrated in heavily minority central cities while traditional public schools are evenly dispersed.  Comparing the racial composition of urban charter schools to traditional public schools statewide or nationwide is like comparing the racial composition of U.S. schools to global schools.  We would shockingly find that U.S. schools are woefully under-representing ethnic Chinese and Indian students.  The fact that those students live half way around the globe is as unimportant to CRP as the fact that all those white traditional public school students live on the opposite side of the state or country from most charter schools.

This type of comparison is so obviously silly that one has to wonder why the CRP did it or anyone believed it.  But of course the answer to that mystery is easy — they just want something to beat up charter schools and especially to scare minority elites away from choice by equating choice with segregation.  If CRP were really concerned with segregation rather than maintaining local public school monopolies, they might have been focused on the issue Greg posted yesterday.

In any event, be sure to check out the new Ed Next piece.  It ends with a particularly strong conclusion:

The authors of the Civil Rights Project report conclude,

Our new findings demonstrate that, while segregation for blacks among all public schools has been increasing for nearly two decades, black students in charter schools are far more likely than their traditional public school counterparts to be educated in intensely segregated settings.

Our analysis suggests that these claims are certainly overstated. Furthermore, the authors fail to acknowledge two significant truths.

First, the majority of students in central cities, in both the public charter sector and in the traditional public sector, attend intensely segregated minority schools. Neither sector has cause to brag about racial diversity, but it seems clear that the CRP report points its lens in the wrong direction by focusing on the failings of charter schools. As the authors themselves note, across the country only 2.5 percent of public school children roam the halls in charter schools each day; the remaining 97.5 percent are compelled to attend traditional public schools. And we know that, more often than not, the students attending traditional public schools in cities are in intensely segregated schools. If we are truly concerned about limiting segregation, then this is where we should look to address the problem.

Second, and perhaps more important, the fact that poor and minority students flee segregated traditional public schools for similarly segregated charters does not imply that charter school policy is imposing segregation upon these students. Rather, the racial patterns we observe in charter schools are the result of the choices students and families make as they seek more attractive schooling options. To compare these active parental choices to the forced segregation of our nation’s past (the authors of the report actually call some charter schools “apartheid” schools) trivializes the true oppression that was imposed on the grandparents and great-grandparents of many of the students seeking charter options today.


Tanning Is Addictive and So Are Class-Action Lawsuits

April 20, 2010

Here’s the formula:  Class-action lawyers find companies that sell products or services that could be harmful, especially if over-used or mis-used.  Then the lawyers establish that the consumer is not at fault for over-use or mis-ise by claiming that the product is addictive.  Since the consumer ceases to be in control of his or her actions if there is an addiction, the company and not the consumer is responsible for the harmful behavior.  Then the lawyers collect large sums of money from the companies for whatever harms are alleged.  Ka-Ching!

The next target for this formula — indoor tanning companies.  According to this LA Times piece, researchers at Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center in New York surveyed college students who use tanning salons and found that a large percentage of them met several of the criteria for suffering from an addiction.  That’s right, tanning is addictive.  You can be sure that the class-action lawyers are not far behind.

I actually think that filing class-action lawsuits is an addictive behavior.  Maybe we should file a class-action lawsuit to curtail them.  Here are the criteria for an addiction and my analysis of how filing class-action lawsuits meets those criteria:

(1) Tolerance, as defined by either of the following: (a) A need for markedly increased amounts of the substance to achieve intoxication or desired effect. (b) Markedly diminished effect with continued use of the same amount of the substance.

Check! Class-action lawyers seem to need larger and larger settlements to be content.

(2) Withdrawal, as manifested by either of the following: (a) The characteristic withdrawal syndrome for the substance (refer to Criteria A or B of the criteria sets for Withdrawal from specific substances). (b) The same (or a closely related) substance is taken to relieve or avoid withdrawal symptoms.

Check!  If class-action lawyers don’t get their money they get very cranky.  An alternative substance, like diamonds, seems to alleviate these symptoms.

(3) The substance is often taken in larger amounts or over a longer period than was intended.

Check!  See answer to (1).

(4) There is a persistent desire or unsuccessful efforts to cut down or control substance use.

Check!  Politicians keep talking about the need to reduce class-action lawsuits to little avail.

(5) A great deal of time is spent in activities necessary to obtain the substance (such as visiting multiple doctors or driving long distances), use the substance (such as chain smoking) or recover from its effects.

Check! Filing these class-action lawsuits consumes an enormous amount of time, as does conducting junk-science research to support them.

(6) Important social, occupational, or recreational activities are given up or reduced because of substance use.

Check!  The class action lawyers work incredible hours on those suits, depriving them of time with family and having fun.

(7) The substance use is continued despite knowledge of having a persistent or recurrent physical or psychological problem that is likely to have been caused or exacerbated by the substance.

Check!  Frivolous class-action lawsuits continue despite societal awareness that this is nonsense and harmful to commerce.


Love Lost

April 17, 2010

It’s been a while since I last posted on Lost, so let’s review what we’ve learned since then.  Most importantly, we’ve learned that something is horribly wrong with the parallel world.  After the side-flashes for Jack and Locke it seemed like the parallel world was one where everyone had worked out their problems.  But it now seems clear that it was all too good to be true.  Starting with the Desmond side-flash episode and continuing this most recent week with Hurley’s side-flash, we are learning that the parallel world is almost certainly bad.  It’s somehow false and people are detecting that, notably Desmond, Charlie, Daniel, and now Hurley.

One big problem with the parallel world is that it is missing love.  Desmond was missing Penny.  Charlie was missing Claire.  Daniel was missing Charlotte.  Hurley was missing Libby.  Is the show telling us, as I earlier guessed, that suffering and loss are virtuous?  Better to have loved and lost than never to have loved at all.

But this doesn’t quite fit everyone’s experience in the parallel world.  Jack and John seem to have great lives in the parallel world, including love.  Nevertheless, I’m willing to bet that the parallel world is somehow false and bad and they need to get back to the Island world.

Desmond already seems to be working on getting the band back together.  He’s manipulating everyone so that they awaken to what they are missing in the parallel world and could get in the Island world.  I wouldn’t be surprised to see him getting everyone back on a plane with a dead Locke so that they can get back to the Island.  Maybe that’s why he ran Locke over. 

We learned a few other things that mostly confirmed things that we suspected.  The whispers are dead people who are stuck on the Island because they had done bad things.  And we have confirmation that Smokey really is bad.  Despite my efforts to build a theory where he might be good, it seems obvious that he is not.  We also know that people are supposed to work out their problems on the Island.  Jack and Hurley both made direct statements about how they used to be controlling (or passive for Hurley) but have now changed.  That was bad script-writing to be so direct about it.  Couldn’t they have just shown us without telling us?

There’s still a lot we don’t know.  In fact, we don’t know much about any of the important things.  What bad thing happens if Smokey gets off the Island?  Whose side is Widmore on?  What is the purpose of these people finding love or working out their issues other than the benefit to them?  Why should we care?


Arkansas Senate Ads

April 15, 2010

The TV airwaves in Arkansas are filled with third-party ads supporting Bill Halter against Blanche Lincoln.  Here’s one:

And here is a basic translation of what the ad says:

I’d like to be able to say that Senator Lincoln’s ads in response are any different, but they aren’t.  And the Republicans aren’t yet running many ads, but their rhetoric is basically the same.  Arkansas politicians seem determined to fulfill the worst stereotypes that people may have about the state.


Reformer’s Disease

April 14, 2010

I think I’ve discovered a new medical disorder that I call Reformer’s Disease.  Good and smart people involved in education reform can easily be stricken with this disorder in which they visualize a desirable reform policy and then imagine that they can simply impose that policy on our education system and that it will come out as they want.

In particular, I’ve noticed instances of Reformer’s Disease in discussions with folks over national standards as well as in Mike Petrilli’s recent post on Flypaper about teacher tenure reform. Advocates for national standards tend to imagine that the national standards that will be adopted are the ones they prefer.  And they further imagine that people whose vision of national standards they oppose will never take control of the standards in the future.  National standards advocates don’t seem to have any theory about how political systems operate, what kinds of standards those systems are likely to adopt, or how those systems are likely to alter standards in the future.  Instead, these victims of Reformer’s Disease have grown tired of politics and simply imagine that they will be the puppeteers who will get the educational system to do the right things without having to think about how the incentives and structure of that system may well thwart or pervert their efforts.

Similarly, Mike Petrilli shows signs of Reformer’s Disease in his post on teacher tenure reform.  He asks, “Rather than use choice to set in motion a chain reaction that ends with the removal of bad teachers from the classroom, why not go right at the bad teachers themselves?”  Why focus on structures, incentives, and politics when we can just get schools to do the right thing — remove bad teachers, adopt the right standards and curricula, etc…?

Perhaps Mike’s question can best be answered by transplanting this discussion to a different industry.  Why should we bother with all of this choice and competition among restaurants when we can just get right at ensuring that bad chefs are removed?  Why have all of these different restaurants with their varying style and quality when we can just ensure quality through national restaurant standards?

Of course, when we transplant the discussion to restaurants the answer to Mike’s question seems obvious.  We need choice and competition because it helps impose the proper incentives on decision-makers within the educational system to make the right choices.  With stronger choice and competition bad teachers are more likely to be removed because keeping bad teachers would harm the interests of their bosses by causing schools to lose students and revenue.  The main barrier to removing bad teachers is not tenure, per se; it is the lack of incentives to remove bad teachers that allows the tenure system to be adopted and continue.  Just removing tenure would not rid the system of bad teachers because principals, superintendents, and others up the chain have little to no incentive to fire bad teachers.

Yes, schools need to get rid of bad teachers and the tenure that protects them.  Yes, schools need solid standards and curricula.  But people need to avoid Reformer’s Disease and remember that they can’t simply impose solutions on an unwilling system governed by perverse incentives.  Choice and competition are not at odds with tenure reform or standards reform.  Competition is a necessary part of how one actually accomplishes and sustains those other reforms.


Tax-Hike-Mike Learns the Meaning of Chutzpah

April 13, 2010

There’s an old joke that illustrates what chutzpah means.  It goes like this… Chutzpah is when a man convicted of killing his parents pleads for mercy because he is an orphan.

This joke came to mind this morning when I read that Janet Huckabee, the wife of former governor, failed presidential candidate, and Fox TV personality, Mike Huckabee, has bought a home and established legal residence in Florida.  The couple will still maintain their house in Arkansas, but establishing legal residency in Florida will help the couple avoid Arkansas’ high personal income and sales taxes. 

Florida has no personal income tax, while Arkansas’ income tax quickly rises to a top marginal rate of 7%.  And state and local sales taxes hover around 10% in Arkansas, compared to 6% in Florida. 

It would be perfectly appropriate and normal for someone to change residences so as to minimize taxes if Huckabee hadn’t been personally responsible for helping raise those taxes, which he and his wife are now seeking to avoid.


Sandy and Jay on National Standards

April 11, 2010

Sandra Stotsky and I have pieces in today’s Arkansas Democrat Gazette on the current national standards push.  We take slightly different approaches — Sandy thinks national standards are a good idea in general but the current draft has bad standards, while I think national standards are a bad idea altogether.  But we end up with the same policy recommendation — the current national standards push should be stopped.  I’ve reproduced both pieces below:

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One Size Fits None

by Jay P. Greene

The Obama administration and Gates Foundation are orchestrating an effort to get every state to adopt a set of national standards for public elementary and secondary schools.

These standards describe what students should learn in each subject in each grade. Eventually these standards can be used to develop national high-stakes tests, which will shape the curriculum in every school.

National standards are a seductive but dangerous idea. People tend to support national standards because they imagine that they will be the ones deciding what everyone else should learn. Dictatorship always sounds more appealing when you fantasize that you will be the dictator.

But the reality is that we are a large, diverse and decentralized country with strong democratic traditions, making national standards-setting a futile task.

Either the standards are too prescriptive and are unable to attract the broad consensus necessary for adoption, or they are vague enough to form a national coalition but so vague that they are entirely useless.

The past two efforts at developing national standards illustrate each type of failure. During the early 1990s, under President George H.W. Bush, an attempt at writing national standards faltered when the history standards were perceived to be prescribing a left-wing agenda. The U.S. Senate actually rejected those standards 99 to 0. Then in the late nineties under President Bill Clinton the national standards push avoided attracting this type of opposition by making the standards very loose and general. The result was that they had no effect. So now we are like Sisyphus, rolling the national standards stone back up the hill yet again.

Even if we could somehow thread the needle and win national adoption of standards that were rigorous and specific, there is no reason to believe that they would stay that way. Once the automobile of national standards is built, eventually someone will gain control of the wheel and drive it in a direction you oppose. And if the entire nation is governed by those standards, there is no hopping out of the car. We’ll all drive over the cliff together.

The virtue of developing standards at the state, district and school level is that it accommodates the legitimate diversity of opinion about how children could best be educated. No one suggests that math is fundamentally different in different places, but whether, for example, all children should be taught long division in 3rd grade is not a settled question. If we adopt national standards, then we destroy the laboratory of the states that might help us learn about which approaches are more effective for which students.

The idea that all students nationwide should be learning the same thing at the same age denies the reality of how diverse our children are. Some of our children are more advanced and would be bored silly if we don’t allow them to progress at a more rapid rate. Other students need more time to master their material. Some students would benefit from a greater emphasis on the arts, while others might thrive with greater emphasis on science. To impose a single curriculum on all students is to build a system where one size fits none.

We don’t need national standards to prevent states from dumbing down their own standards. We already have a national test, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) administered by the U.S. Department of Education, to show how states are performing on a common yardstick and to shame those that set the bar too low. Illinois, for example, isn’t fooling anyone when it says that 82% of its 8th graders are proficient in reading because according to NAEP only 30% are proficient. The beauty of NAEP is that it provides information without forcing conformity to a single, national curriculum.

Nor is it the case that adopting national standards would close the achievement gap between the U.S. and our leading economic competitors. Yes, many of the countries that best us on international tests have national standards, but so do many of the countries that lag behind us. If there really were one true way to educate all children, why stop at national standards? Why not have global standards with a global curriculum?

We would oppose global standards for the same reasons we should oppose national standards. Making education uniform at too high of a level of aggregation ignores the diversity of needs of our children as well as the diversity of opinion about how best to serve those needs. And giving people at the national or global level the power to determine what everyone should learn is dangerous because they will someday use that power to promote unproductive or even harmful ideas.

Jay P. Greene is the endowed professor of education reform at the University of Arkansas.

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All Need Same Knowledge

by Sandra Stotsky

Many Americans support the idea of common, or national, standards. They believe national K-12 standards would ensure that all students, no matter where they live and what school they attend, are taught a body of common national and world knowledge, acquire a mature understanding and use of the English language, and gain enough mathematical knowledge and skill to participate competitively in the 21st Century global economy. However, we have good reason to be skeptical about this rosy expectation. There is no evidence that national standards by themselves lead to or guarantee high levels of academic achievement. And, the Common Core initiative, a joint project of the National Governors Association and the Council of Chief State School Officers, has yet to come up with first-class standards in mathematics or English/language arts that would make this country competitive.

The U.S. is one of the very few countries in the world without national or regional standards. While some have high-achieving populations, many others do not. In other words, there is no direct relationship between high student achievement and having national standards. What does seem to make a difference in many countries with high-achieving students is the presence of high-stakes tests. Moreover,

many of these countries-Korea, the Netherlands, Japan, for example-test a lot and use multiple-choice tests-tests that entrepreneurial testing experts disdain in favor of portfolios, project-based assessments, and other costly and generally unreliable measures.

Everyone knows that the real spur for higher academic achievement will come from the development of common assessments, funded by the U.S. Department of Education. The catch here is that these assessments are supposed to be based on the standards being developed by Common Core. And a number of significant improvements need to be made, especially at the secondary level, before its mathematics and English standards can be judged as internationally benchmarked and as the basis for reliable and valid grade-level and high school exit level assessments. So, the push from the education department to compel all states to adopt (voluntarily, of course) and implement Common Core’s standards will not in itself raise academic achievement in the 40 or so states with poor or uneven quality in their K-12 standards-the major reason we have been told we need national standards.

A critique I co-authored with Stanford University mathematician R. James Milgram, “Fair to Middling: A National Standards Progress Report,” published by Pioneer Institute, spells out the major deficiencies of Common Core’s draft standards and compares them with those in our top-rated states. As our report notes, the leisurely development of basic arithmetic skills in the upper elementary and middle school grades and the failure to offer an optional pathway to prepare students for an authentic Algebra 1 course in grade 8 mean that its mathematics standards are at a significantly lower level than those in California, Massachusetts, Minnesota and Indiana (the states with the most rigorous mathematics standards) and in the highest-achieving countries.

Similarly, Common Core’s English standards are distinctly inferior to those in California, Indiana, Massachusetts and Texas, all top-rated states. The central problem with Common Core’s English standards is its organizational scheme-a set of generic, content-free, and culture-free skills that are incapable of generating coherent grade-level academic standards. Until an academically sound scheme is used, Common Core’s draft writers will not be able to generate sequences of sound standards through the grades that lead to common curricular expectations-what national standards should give us. Nor will they be able to assure the states that common assessments based on the kind of standards we see in the March draft will lead to reliable and valid assessments of student learning.

The country is well aware by now of the possibility that the U.S. Department of Education will require states to adopt Common Core’s finaldraft if they want their Title I funds in the future. It is not clear why our national standards in English and mathematics cannot be at least as good as those in states that have empirical evidence, within the state, nationally, or internationally, attesting to the effectiveness of their current standards. Why were the most rigorous sets of standards, here and abroad, ignored?

Sandra Stotsky is Professor of Education Reform at the University of Arkansas, holds the 21st Century Chair in Teacher Quality, and is a member of Common Core’s Validation Committee.


Ravitch is Wrong Week, Day #5

April 9, 2010

[Editor’s Note — This is the fifth and final installment in Stuart Buck’s critique of Diane Ravitch’s new book “The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education.”  Below is a list (with hyperlinks) of all five posts for our Ravitch is Wrong Week. 

The only conclusion I can draw after reading Stuart’s critiques is that Diane Ravitch’s new book is not a serious piece of scholarship.  I do not know (and I do not care) why a normally serious education historian would write such a book.  The only thing that matters here is that much of what she has to say is wrong.  Unless and until she or someone on her behalf addresses the issues that Stuart has raised, I think we can dismiss this unserious book and the people who peddle it.]

  1. Ignoring or selectively citing scholarly literature;
  2. Misinterpreting the scholarly literature that she does cite;
  3. Caricaturing her opponents in terms of strawman arguments, rather than taking the best arguments head-on;
  4. Tendering logical fallacies; and
  5. Engaging in a double standard, such as holding a disfavored position to a high burden of proof while blithely accepting more problematic evidence that supports one’s own position (or not looking for evidence at all). ]

(Guest post by Stuart Buck)

DOUBLE STANDARDS:

The final problem endemic to Ravitch’s book is that she engages in a double standard — holding one side to a high burden of proof while putting forth positions or supposed facts that do not meet a high burden of proof (or that are completely unsubstantiated).

A typical pattern throughout Ravitch’s discussion of vouchers and charter schools is that she demands overwhelming proof of astonishing gains. For example, she sneers that vouchers did not produce “dramatic improvement for the neediest students or the public schools they left behind.” (p. 132).

But as for her own affirmative claims, Ravitch often proceeds with little or no empirical evidence, and many of her own policy prescriptions do not come with any proof of improvement, even of the undramatic sort.

For example, Ravitch claims that “most districts . . . relentlessly engage in test-prep activities.” (p. 159). Most? Relentlessly? Ravitch presents no evidence for these claims.

Ravitch claims that “regular public schools are at a huge disadvantage in competition with charter schools,” in part because “charters often get additional financial resources form their corporate sponsors.” (p. 136). Ravitch has no systematic evidence for any claim that charters are financially better off than public schools. Even in New York, which is home to many of the educational philanthropists that Ravitch seems to despise, charter spending in 2008-09 had a citywide average of $14,456 — including private giving. This compares to $16,678 for students in traditional public schools.

To be sure, these two figures aren’t directly comparable — the charter figure included all expenses for all students but without calculating the benefit of free space provided to certain charter schools, while the traditional public school figure came from a report that excluded large categories, such as special education or fringe benefits, but that did include the value of debt service to pay for facilities.

The point, in any event, is that Ravitch makes unsubstantiated and convenient claims about charter school financing without even attempting the difficult work of piecing through educational finance matters like these. Moreover, Ravitch’s claim is wrong as to the country as a whole. Charter schools nationwide receive an average of 61% of the funding given to traditional public schools, mostly because states usually refuse to let charter schools have funds for facilities.

Ravitch says on page 220, “If we are serious about narrowing and closing the achievement gap, then we will make sure that the schools attended by our neediest students have well-educated teachers, small classes, beautiful facilities, and a curriculum rich in the arts and sciences.” To be sure, having “well educated teachers” or “a curriculum rich in the arts and sciences” is common sense. But Ravitch has zero evidence that “beautiful facilities” would do anything about the achievement gap. Nor does she seem familiar with the Jepsen/Rivkin study finding that California’s initiative to lower class size ended up harming minority children (because their teachers find more job opportunities elsewhere and schools fill the gaps by hiring less qualified and more inexperienced teachers).

For another example, Ravitch says (p. 238) that “every state should establish inspection teams to evaluate the physical and educational condition of its schools.” Ravitch offers no evidence that such inspection teams make any difference whatsoever.

For another example, Ravitch says, “If we are willing to learn from top-performing nations, we should establish a substantive national curriculum that declares our intention to educate all children in the full range of liberal arts and sciences . . . .” (pp. 231-232). This sounds fine and well. But Ravitch has no evidence that pushing for a “national curriculum” would accomplish any of her putative goals, rather than being watered down and misdirected by all of the same interest groups that (a) distort the textbook adoption process (as Ravitch herself has documented) and (b) have prevented any such national curriculum from being established to date.

Another double standard lies in Ravitch’s treatment of the scholarly literature. For example, while Ravitch nitpicks to death any study with a pro-charter finding she dislikes (when she bothers to mention such studies at all), she credulously cites the Lubienskis’ study purporting to find that students in public schools do as well or better than those in private schools. (p. 140). She claims that this study “demonstrated the superiority of regular public schools.” It did no such thing: It was merely a cross-sectional snapshot of students in public and private schools, and the authors admitted that “we cannot and do not make causal claims from cross-sectional studies such as NAEP.”

Finally, Ravitch’s rosy depiction of public schools has no evidentiary support. E.g.: “The neighborhood school is the place where parents meet to share concerns about their children and the place where they learn the practice of democracy. . . . As we lose neighborhood public schools, we lose the one local institution where people congregate and mobilize to solve local problems . . . . For more than a century, they have been an essential element of our democratic institutions. We abandon them at our peril.” (pp. 220-21).

It’s hard to fathom how a historian could write such lofty rhetoric about the past century of public schools, while not even giving passing mention to the fact that during much of that century schools were officially segregated by race and steeped in anti-Catholic bigotry, and to this day are often unofficially segregated by class and race. (Ravitch seems to have forgotten all of the historical knowledge on display in this article.)

Of course, Ravitch’s words are literally correct: during the past century, public schools “have been an essential element” of society’s democratic attempt to solve the “local problem” of keeping out black people. If that’s not what Ravitch intends to endorse, then she shouldn’t write such unqualified paeans to schools of a century ago.

Moreover, what exactly does it mean to suggest that people “congregate and mobilize to solve local problems” at the school? That surely isn’t a routine function of the vast majority of public schools; when my kids were at the local public school, the only mobilization I saw was all the minivans accelerating after leaving the car line. In fact, the practice of grouping people into a single public school probably causes more “local problems” than it solves (consider the furious debates that arise over curricular issues alone — evolution, sex ed, phonics and math instruction, etc.).