An Offer the States Can’t Refuse

April 20, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Fordham desperately wants you to believe that they want “transparency, not accountability” from the feds. Don’t believe a word of it. It’s true only if you define “accountability” as “school-level accountability.”

Fordham’s idea is that the feds get unlimited and unaccountable power to decide what schools should be doing, and then the states are in charge of holding schools accountable for doing what the feds have decreed they should do. It’s “tight-loose”!

The executive summary of the Fordham report – which is the only part of it most people will bother reading, and the Fordham folks know it – mouths just the right reassuring weasel-words to throw you off the scent:

Transparency in lieu of accountability. Results-based accountability throughout the education system is vital, but it cannot be successfully imposed or enforced from Washington. Indeed, the No Child Left Behind experience has shown federal “accountability” in this realm to be a charade. The federal government can’t force states and districts to turn around failing schools or offer students better options. What Uncle Sam can do is ensure that our education system’s results and finances are transparent to the public, to parents, and to educators.

In a comment on Matt’s post this morning, Mike Petrilli shows up to peddle the same line:

Hi everyone. When you look closely at our proposal (if you can get past the preface, Matt!) you’ll see that we’re all advocating more or less the same thing: Mandate “transparency” but not accountability. We can quibble about the details.

That’s pretty hard to believe given that up through the day before yesterday, Fordham was stumping for the federal-government sponsored initiative to create national standards, national curriculum, and national assessments.

And, in fact, you don’t even have to get very far into the main body of the Fordham report (which few will read) before you see how empty these gestures are.

The report considers ten policy questions, giving “the reform realism position” on each one. Question one is: “Should states be required to adopt academic standards tied to college and career readiness (such as the Common Core)?”

Jay has already pointed out that “college and career readiness” is an empty phrase. It’s a blank check that the feds can fill in later.

But let’s set that aside. What is Fordham’s position on the use of federal government power to define what schools should be held accountable for doing?

As a condition of receiving federal Title I funds, require states to adopt the Common Core standards in reading and math, OR to demonstrate that their existing standards are just as rigorous as the Common Core. Standards developed apart from the Common Core initiative would be peer reviewed at the federal level by a panel of state officials and content-matter experts; the panel itself (not the secretary of education) would have the authority to determine whether a state’s standards are rigorous enough.

So adopting Common Core is just about as “voluntary” for the states as signing Johnny Fontane was for Jack Woltz.

Governor Walker the morning after Wisconsin opts out of Common Core

How naive do these people think we are?


It’s Hammertime!

April 20, 2011

No, not that one.  Check out this Hammertime, which effectively presents the positive results from the DC voucher program despite false claims of no benefits from the Obama administration.


Strawman Alert!

April 20, 2011

 

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

I went to read the Fordham Report on ESEA reauthorization. I didn’t even make it past the preface without finding a gigantic strawman argument:

The local controllers.

These folks, led by conservative and libertarian think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation and the Cato Institute, want Uncle Sam, for the most part, to butt out of education policy—but to keep sending money. They see NCLB as an aberrant overreach, an unprecedented (and perhaps unconstitutional) foray into the states’ domain. Many within this faction also favor reform, particularly greater parental choice of schools, but at day’s end their federal policy position resembles that of the system defenders. They want to keep federal dollars flowing, albeit at a much more modest rate than those on the left; but they want to remove the accountability that currently accompanies these monies. They have given up on Uncle Sam as an agent for positive change, period. And they have enormous confidence that communities, states, and parents, unfettered from and unpestered by Washington, will do right by children.

I’ll let the Cato Institute speak for itself, but as the coauthor of a piece on NCLB with Gene Hickok for the Heritage Foundation, I must say that this characterization of Heritage is sloppy. Gene and I noted some very real problems with the formulation of NCLB, and recommended a process by which states could negotiate with the federal Department of Education to have a single unified system of school accountability. No burning down the Federal Department of Education, no abandonment of accountability and transparency, nor any fever dreams of federally driven vouchers for all.

NCLB led to a net increase in transparency, and put a bright spotlight on achievement gaps- both very admirable outcomes. NCLB’s formula however contains dozens of ways for districts and schools to fail AYP and back loaded proficiency requirements will be changed, or else AYP with either lose all credibility, or else will lead states to dummy down their tests to absurd levels. The only reasonable assumption to make is that those that crafted the original law intended to reboot the provisions well before 2014. The Safe Harbor provision is not going to save the day, lawmakers must change the law.

Gene and I suggested a reboot that would allow states to have a single system of school accountability (many have a state system and AYP, which often contradict each other). States proposing a reasonable system- something AYP will no longer be in 2014 absent changes-could have a single system for ranking schools. I’m fine with the Federal Department of Education being tough-minded about approving alternatives. No federalist bone in my body would ever compel me to approve a cruel joke of a testing system (I’m looking straight at you Mississippi) and I’m not certain that the Obama administration has a federalist bone in any case. They did however win the election, and they may win the next one as well.

Call me crazy (it’s been too long since anyone has) but I think the federal government allowing parents the clarity of a single system of accountability is good thing if the state is proposing something that provides transparency and will nudge improvement out of the system. Not “perfection” by some arbitrary deadline, but sustained improvement. This strikes me as an especially good idea when the federal system is set to implode.


The Fordham Report is Here. Time to Party!

April 19, 2011

The Fordham report on renewal of ESEA has been released and it is time to party!

Following the rules of our Fordham report drinking game you will have to consume 7 shots of your choice; one for each time “tight-loose” is used in the report.  33 times you will need to consume whatever the Gates Foundation and U.S. Department of Ed mandate while declaring “I do this of my own free will;” one for each usage of “Common Core” in the report.  You need to shotgun a Pabst Blue Ribbon for the 1 usage of “race to the bottom” in the report and consume 8 Milwaukee’s Best for the 8 times “Race to the Top” is used.  That’s 42 total “consumptions.”

I whiffed on predicting the usage of “smart-[blank].”  I’m sorry to say that there was nothing very smart in the report.  I also entirely failed to expect the repeated usage of the phrase, “reform realism.”  It has alliteration!  What could be more persuasive than that?  I guess that is why it appears 21 times in the report.

Greg did accurately anticipate a slew of hemisphere fallacies, where they compromise between the view that the world is a sphere and the world is flat by saying that the world is a hemisphere.  The particular manifestation of the hemisphere fallacy in this report is that they repeatedly frame the debate as saying that some people think that the federal government should mandate something (standards, cut scores, etc…) and some people think that the federal government should mandate nothing in exchange for the resources it provides.  Fordham takes the middle ground of saying that the feds should mandate standards, cut scores, etc… or allow states to prove to a panel of experts that their alternative approach is at least as good.

Where to begin?  First, in practice the Fordham approach is equivalent to the feds mandating standards, cut scores, etc… If I told you that you had to eat the food the government provides or prove that your choices were equally nutritious, most people would end up just eating whatever the government provided.  The burden of proving the merit of your alternative choices would effectively compel you to comply with the mandate.

Second, if there is one thing we do not need in education policy, it is more committees of so-called experts.  Fordham proposes a bizarre procedure by which the expert panelists could be selected.  States would choose two members, the secretary of education would propose two more, and those four would choose an additional three panelists.  And if that is not convoluted enough, the panels would need 5 votes to decide anything.  This doesn’t sound like a committee of experts.  This sounds like politics by other means.  And given how complicated and bizarre this procedure is, it is even more likely that states would simply comply with the mandate, as suggested above.

Third, as is usual with hemisphere fallacies, Fordham frames the alternative “extremes” as caricatures so that their middle position seems like the only sensible alternative.  It isn’t.  I support a limited role of the federal government in education to facilitate the education of students who are significantly more expensive to educate, such as disabled students, English language learners, and students from very disadvantaged backgrounds.  Only the federal government can ensure this type of “redistributive” policy in education because if localities attempted to serve more expensive students they would attract those expensive students while driving away their tax base.  As Paul Peterson described in his classic book, The Price of Federalism, this is the only appropriate role of the federal government in education.  So, the federal government mandates that schools serve these categories of students while also providing additional resources to facilitate that the services will be provided.  This redistributive effort describes the bulk of what the federal government has done (and should do) in education.

If we are concerned that local schools are failing to serve these categories of students adequately we can address (and have imperfectly addressed) that through legal remedies.  Families, at least in special ed, can go to the courts if their schools fail to provide an appropriate education with federal funds.  We could expand that model to the other categories of federal involvement, but I think that approach is unwise.  Instead, I would favor providing the federal funds directly to students in these redistributive categories so that they would have economic leverage over schools to ensure the provision of appropriate services.  If schools fail to address student needs, they should be able to take those federal funds to another school, public or private.

The other phrase that I should have included in our drinking game is “college and career readiness.”  That concept is referenced 44 times in the new Fordham report.  It is the criterion by which expert panels need to judge standards, cut scores, etc… It is the goal of the entire Fordham approach (and remarkably in sync with the Gates Foundation in using a phrase dozens of times that was virtually unheard of a decade ago).

The only problem is that I have no idea what “college and career readiness” means.  The Fordham folks have no idea what that phrase means.  No one knows what college and career ready means.  It has no clear, technical, objective definition.  It is yet another political slogan substituting for an idea with actual substance, sort of like “reform realism” or “tight-loose.”

And yet this empty slogan is the entire purpose of the nationalization project on which Fordham-Gates-AFT-U.S. Dept of Ed are embarked.  Only in the D.C. bubble of  power-hungry analysts who provide no actual analysis could we launch a radical transformation of our education system with little more than a series of empty slogans.  It’s enough to make you drink.  Er, I mean consume.

(edited for clarity)


The Bizarro World Prospect

April 18, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

The latest issue of The American Prospect was apparently published on Bizarro World.

Charter schools and teacher accountability have now replaced vouchers as the new cause célèbre.

So nobody’s interested in vouchers any more, huh?

Today, even school reformers who promote charter schools and accountability still believe vouchers are a good third option because they give parents another choice. Republican governors Rick Scott in Florida, Chris Christie in New Jersey, and Mitch Daniels in Indiana have all appeared with reform guru Michelle Rhee, the nation’s leading voice for charter schools and teacher evaluation programs, to consult them on school reform. They all plan to use vouchers as one of many aspects of reform in their states. Rhee’s new organization, Students First, cites the Florida voucher program as a notable example of expanding parental choice.

Uh…okay. Guess my dinner with Jay Mathews is still safe, then.

“It’s an old ideology they’ve been interested in for a long time,” says Cynthia Brown, Vice President for Education Policy at the Center for American Progress, “but they’ve lost a lot of steam. The notion of vouchers for all kids is almost dead.”

So I guess the dream of universal vouchers is dead, huh?

No matter, the infamous Scott Walker has put forth a proposal to dramatically expand Milwaukee’s program so that any child, not just low-income students, can get a voucher.

Uh…okay. As the Walker juggernaut – excuse me, the infamous Walker juggernaut – rolls over the last gasp of union hopes in the judicial election, I’d say this is a bad time to make big bets against universal vouchers.

Underwhelming studies of voucher programs have damaged their reputation, even among conservatives prone to liking them.

I’ll spare you the predictably mendacious, cherry-picking lit review that follows, in which the author goes over all the evidence on vouchers, except for the overwhelming majority of the evidence that supports vouchers. (For a complete research review, see here. For more on the use and abuse of evidence in voucher controversies, see here, here and here.)

Though vouchers are no longer a viable school reform strategy on their own, they did play a big part in shaping how we think about school reform. In short, rhetoric around reform is now discussed using a term that used to be synonymous with vouchers: “school choice.”

So vouchers failed, except for the fact that everyone wants to be them.

Still, the idea of choice itself as the mantra of reform is odd, and it’s disturbing that this is the aspect of the voucher-program idea that survived. Though it begins with progressive rhetoric about giving poor families the same choices wealthier ones have, the necessity for choice arises out of a situation in which public education is failing. The goal should be a system in which all schools are good schools, not creating a two-tiered system of good versus bad.

Yes, it’s very odd that school reformers focus on offering “choice” instead of on making schools successful – because in Bizarro World, monopolies always serve people best!

All the talk about choice rings especially hollow in D.C. No one in the city voted for or approved their new voucher program.

Yes, that’s right, nobody in D.C. approved the program. Except for, you know, the thousands of parents who put their kids into it.

If the left keeps this up, it’s going to wake up one morning and find out that it’s Bull Connor.


Tight-Loose Imperial Vendor Management

April 18, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Darth Vader, pioneer of tight-loose management practices:

He doesn’t tell you exactly where to bring the fleet out of light speed, he just insists that it be the correct point for pulling off a successful surprise attack on the rebel base. If you pick the wrong point, that’s your fault – and that’s what the assessment and accountability systems are there for.

You have failed me for the last time, Governor Walker!

But for some reason I have the feeling that when the new federal tight-loose approach to standards, curricula and assessments is implemented, it will look a whole lot more like this:


The Tight-Loose Sales Force

April 18, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Continuing the series, I shamelessly rip off a line from an old Dilbert comic (which I can’t find online or I’d just post it).

“Welcome to the Tight-Loose Sales Force. We don’t ask you to do anything unethical, but we set the sales quotas so high that you basically have no choice. Any questions?”


Tight-Loose Travel Agency

April 18, 2011

To illustrate how repeating a slogan like “tight-loose” does not necessarily mean that a policy will be tight on the ends while loose on the means, we are featuring ads for our new Tight-Loose line of businesses.

In this post we feature the Tight-Loose Travel Agency.  When you are required to get from New York to London in less than 6 hours, we can arrange to get you there in any way you like.  You can take a ride on a rocketship, jump through a kink in the time-space continuum, ask Scotty to beam you there… whatever you prefer.  When you are tight on ends, we make sure that you are loose on means.

Think about this as you read the new Fordham report, being sure to “consume” each time tight-loose is repeated.  If we nationally mandate standards, curriculum, and assessment, how much meaningful choice over means will people really have?

UPDATE — Or, as is more likely, if you are required to walk across the street rather than travel to London, the Tight-Loose Travel Agency can still handle all of your travel needs.  We know that you’ll voluntarily and without reward or compensation want to travel around the entire world before arriving across the street.  Our rocketship, time-space continuum kink, and Star Trek beam will all be here at your disposal.  Remember even with really low ends we are still loose on means.


Hemisphere Fallacy! Drink!

April 15, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Fordham hasn’t even released its new report explaining why all sensible people favor the creation of an unstoppable national juggernaut to safeguard the decentralization of America’s federal system of government, and we already have to drink up.

In the new Gadfly, Mike Petrilli writes:

Speaking for the anti-“tight” right, Greene argues that “dictating the ends with a national set of standards, curriculum, and assessments will necessarily dictate much of the means.” (And, to be fair, he did so in a witty and amusing blog post, in which he proposed a “drinking game” for readers of Fordham’s forthcoming ESEA proposal, due out next week.)

But it’s unclear why he finds the concept of “tight-loose” so preposterous. Consider this: Here are the most likely potential mandates that Congress might attach to federal Title I funding in the next ESEA:

  1. States must adopt rigorous academic standards (and cut scores) in English and math that imply readiness for college and career.
  2. States must test students annually in English and math.
  3. States must build assessments and data systems to allow for individual student growth to be tracked over time.
  4. States must develop standards and assessments in science and history, too.
  5. States must rate schools according to a prescriptive formula (i.e., AYP).
  6. States must intervene in schools that fail to make AYP for several years in a row, or in schools that are among the lowest-performing in the state.
  7. States must develop rigorous teacher evaluation systems and ensure a more equitable distribution of effective teachers.
  8. States must ensure that Title I schools receive comparable resources—including good teachers and real per-pupil dollars—as those received by non-Title I schools.

The way Greene argues it, Congress has to either choose “none of the above” or “all of the above.” But of course it doesn’t. We at Fordham would select items one through four off this a la carte menu, and leave the rest for states to decide. That, to us, would be “tight-loose” in action.

Hemisphere fallacy! Drink!

Mike continues:

Does Jay believe none of these should be required? And if so, isn’t he arguing for federal taxpayers to just leave the money on the stump? Why not make the principled conservative case and say that Title I and other federal funding streams should simply be eliminated?

And:

Let’s quit with all the over-the-top rhetoric. Give the list of eight mandates above a good look. Congress is likely to move ahead with the first few and will definitely reject the last few; the real debate is about the ones in the middle. In other words, we’ll be arguing over the precise definition of “tight-loose,” regardless of what the anti-“tight” right or the anti-“loose” left have to say about it.

I’m not Jay, but I think the answer to all this is obvious:

  • Mike is wrong to question Jay’s integrity by arguing that “principle” requires him to either support federal education mandates or support repeal of Title I;
  • Mike is wrong to imply that it’s unserious or “over the top” to debate the merits of anything other than the hemisphere-style middle ground that is likely to be the locus of congressional debate in the immediate term; and
  • Mike is self-contradictory to do both in the same post.

Oh, and by the way – “tight/loose”! Drink!


Oklahoma Legislature Adopts Earned Promotion Policy

April 14, 2011

 

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

Oklahoma lawmakers adopted a policy to curtail the social promotion of children failing to acquire basic literacy skills by the end of the 3rd grade. Oklahoma lawmakers adopted a special needs choice program last year, and are considering a scholarship tax credit program and other far-reaching reforms this year. Oklahoma has got major K-12 reform mojo!

The Foundation for Excellence in Education will be releasing a policy brief on retention soon. Congrats to Oklahoma’s K-12 reformers in joining Florida, New York City, Arizona and Indiana in adopting this tough-love policy. Now comes the hard part: policy implementation. The Devil is in the details on this reform, and others have botched it in the past. Yes, I’m looking at you Georgia…

I spent a few days in Oklahoma recently, and their reformers struck me as resolved, fearless and capable. That’s good, because that is what will be needed to see this policy through.