(Guest post by Greg Forster)
USA Today, the newspaper of American business travelers, has noticed the cracks in the Democratic dam.
You know what I’ve noticed? The blob isn’t just losing more Dems. It’s losing the MSM.
(Guest post by Greg Forster)
USA Today, the newspaper of American business travelers, has noticed the cracks in the Democratic dam.
You know what I’ve noticed? The blob isn’t just losing more Dems. It’s losing the MSM.
Education Sector’s Kevin Carey has a piece in the Chronicle of Higher Education’s blog about why vouchers don’t matter. It seemed to me that the piece had been highly edited, leaving out what Carey really thought.
Sure enough, my secret agents were able to discover the original draft. The parts that were edited out I’ve been able to restore. They’re the bits in italics and bold:
President Obama wants to appropriate enough money to keep the Washington, D.C. voucher program going for the children currently enrolled. Good — this is the only ethical position to take. I know some Democrats in Congress wish the program had never been implemented, but that’s the price of losing elections. Dragging low-income and minority students out of their schools just so the N.E.A. can score some petty political revenge would be inhumane and a political debacle besides.
That said, there’s a strong element of artifice to this whole debate. The D.C. voucher program does not represent serious public policy. It was a P.R. move, a bone thrown by the previous administration to the privatization crowd it marginalized by supporting NCLB.
You see, policies that are designed for P.R. or to satisfy political constituencies are not serious public policy. Applying this standard I’ve determined that 99.44% of all public policies are not serious.
The voucher dream (setting aside the obvious anti-labor agenda for the moment) has always been to introduce market dynamics to public education — to create new competition and provide incentives for innovators and entrepreneurs to bring energy and resources to the enterprise of educating students.
Using my psychic powers to identify the dreams of others, I am certain that helping low-income families find better schools had nothing to do with passage of the D.C. voucher program. That’s right, the only real test of a five-year, tiny voucher program that pays one-third per pupil what the public schools receive is whether new private schools are built.
The D.C. voucher program does none of these things. No new schools have been built as a result, no groundbreaking programs created, competition spurred, or innovators attracted. It’s basically just an exercise in seeing what happens when you take a couple thousand students out of pretty bad schools and put them in a range of other schools that are, collectively, somewhat better. Answer: some of the students may be doing somewhat better! I think we already knew this.
And by “we” I mean only the really cool people, not the majority in both chambers of Congress who voted to set an execution date for the program.
Remarkably, the D.C. voucher program is being taken seriously even as, right here in the same city, charter schools are actually creating the whole range of market responses that vouchers are not.
Of course if we capped charter funding at $7,500 per pupil and limited their number to 1,700 students citywide and sunsetted the whole program after 5 years, I’m sure that charters would have “actually created the whole range of market responses” anyway. Charters are just so cool that they could have beaten Mike Ditka in a Superbowl showdown with one hand tied behind their backs.
Drive across the river and see the brand-new schools built by KIPP and SEED, which are just a part of the tens of millions of dollars of new investment in public education spurred by charters, a wave of new organizations and people coming to the nation’s capital to educate disadvantaged students, along with many others who were here already, people who never would have been able to operate within the traditional public system.
One could argue, I suppose, that if vouchers had been given to 17,000 students instead of 1,700, they would have had more impact. But I’m not so sure — I kind of doubt that Sidwell Friends and Georgetown Day would up and build annexes in Anacostia in response.
Of course, I suppose that a bunch of the non-elite private schools where 99% of the voucher students attend might actually expand if you offered them 10 times as many spots and long-term security of funding, but that would undermine the straw-man argument I’m making.
In any event, why bother? Who cares about the 1,700 students benefiting from D.C. vouchers? Not cool folks like me! I always remember to take my jaded pills each morning.
D.C. charter schools are directly accountable to the public and specifically designed to serve urban students. Why would it be better to re-direct public funds to schools that are neither of those things?
I mean, the private schools in D.C. aren’t really urban because when you enter them you are transported through a kink in the time-space continuum to a place outside of an urban area. And those vouchers aren’t really accountable because even though they were democratically created, subject to oversight and renewal within 5 years of creation, and mandated (unlike charters) to participate in a rigorous random-assignment evaluation, they don’t have the word “public” in them. And we cool people know that the magical addition of the word “public” makes things truly accountable to the public.
Yet the D.C. voucher debate is playing out on national television and has provoked a seemingly endless series of righteous editorials from the Washington Post.
Don’t they know that righteousness is my department?!
This seems to be the real purpose of school vouchers — giving people the opportunity to scramble for the moral high ground of defending disadvantaged youth.
Never mind what I said at the start about the real purpose being to introduce market competition or to destroy unions. The real REAL purpose is to defend disadvantaged youth — and is there anything more awful than that?
Many wealthy members of Congress send their children to private school! So does our wealthy President! Outrage! Hypocrisy revealed!
More exclamation points! Loud noises! Harrumph! Please pay no attention to the cynical thing I said in the last paragraph about how awful it is to care about disadvantaged kids!
Meanwhile, voucher opponents paint themselves as brave defenders of the education system, as if this was some crucial battle against the Wal-Martification of public schools.
There! I’ve bashed both sides, so I get my triangulator license renewed.
In that sense vouchers do have some utility — they separate people who are serious about education policy from people who aren’t. The more you shout and carry on about them, the less you’re paying attention to the issues that really matter.
And I never shout or carry on about vouchers! I’m too cool.

(Guest post by Greg Forster)
The Detroit Free Press should come with a warning label. In today’s edition I was jolted by the shocking discovery that suburban public schools compete with each other for students. Apparently when parents are able to choose schools, the schools are aware of this and respond by seeking to get their business. All because – are you ready for this? – public schools want to maximize their budgets!
Who knew?
Kudos to the Free Press for uncovering this amazing story!
HT ALELR for the story, dose.ca and Overload for the logo.

(Guest post by Greg Forster)
Note: This post is 100% spoiler free!
If you’re a Trekkie, you don’t need me to tell you to go see the new Star Trek movie.
But if you’re not a Trekkie: You should go see the new Star Trek movie. If it’s not the best movie you see all year, I’ll give you your money back on this blog. I’m that confident you’ll love it.

To keep this post spoiler-free (in hopes that I can convince the maximum number of people to go see the movie) I can’t tell you everything about what makes this such a good movie. But I’ll do my best to indicate as much as I can.
I think the biggest key to success here is the way J.J. Abrams and writers Roberto Orci and Alex Kurtzman drilled down to the essence of what makes Star Trek such a wonderful platform for storytelling and built their whole story around that, ruthlessly cutting out anything and everything from the original franchise that got in their way.
Lots of things have been changed, sometimes dramatically. Some things that Trekkies hold dear have been destroyed; new things have been introduced that mossbacked fans will find jarring.

But all that destruction only makes way for Abrams & Co. to use the Star Trek setup the way it was originally used – before it got cluttered with the overgrowth that inevitably accumulates in any long-term franchise.
I felt like the more they dramatically changed everything, the more it became more like the Star Trek it always was. It was like they reached into the middle of a large, complex structure and pulled the center outward, turning the whole thing inside-out in the process, but at the end it was the same as it had been, even though it was completely different.

I’ve been trying to think of how to express this point more clearly. I keep coming back to the opening lines of G.K. Chesterton’s The Everlasting Man, where he says that there are two ways of getting home. The first is to stay there. The second is to go all the way around the world and come back to where you started.
I think the Star Trek movies had just stayed home too long. Abrams & Co. have taken them all the way around the world, and the result is, the franchise is home again.
I think the most important thing they’ve built on is the simple but brilliant storytelling mechanic of taking eight or nine colorful, highly strung personalities and locking them all together for an extended period in a tin can where they can’t get out of each other’s way and are periodically threatened with death. Firefly recently proved again how well this can work when it’s properly used. Who knows? Maybe Abrams was watching.
But another important aspect – and this is something you should know going in – is that it brilliantly maintains the unique narrative style of Star Trek. Again, I’m not sure exactly how to make clear what I’m getting at.
Let’s put it this way. Star Trek has never been the kind of franchise where they stop to ask questions like, “how could Starfleet Academy possibly have a final exam that consists of role-playing a simulated scenario where everybody knows ahead of time that there’s no winning outcome to the scenario?” Merely the fact that you know you’re in a no-win situation will change your behavior. But as a poetic narrative device it works brilliantly, as the famous discussion of Kirk’s unique approach to the exam in Star Trek II demonstrated.
Oh, and it helps that they put in a lot of very clever references to the original series. Don’t worry, if you’re not a Trekkie you won’t even notice them. They aren’t obtrusive. But if you are a Trekkie, you will laugh your head off time and again at the sly way the movie nods its head to some of your favorite (and most cringe-worthy) memories.

No, this is not a spoiler. Trust me.
Also, you get a lot of movie out of this movie. It’s fast-paced, but not because they’re always fighting. It’s because they’ve trimmed out absolutely all the fat. There is not a minute of screen time wasted in this movie. Yet nothing is rushed or sloppy – it’s just very efficient storytelling. You get twice as much out of it just from that alone. (That, by the way, is the secret to the success of a lot of great movies and TV shows – an efficient storyteller can give you more bang for the buck even with an otherwise ordinary narrative. But then, the highly efficient storytellers also tend to be excellent in other ways.)
Oh, just go see it already. The sooner you do, the sooner I can talk about it.
(Guest post by Greg Forster)
Today Pajamas Media runs my column on the latest long-term trend NAEP results and what they say to critics and supporters of NCLB:
The good news for the critics is that the Nation’s Report Card shows reading and math scores still have not substantially changed since 1971.
The good news for supporters is that the Nation’s Report Card shows reading and math scores still have not substantially changed since 1971.
Welcome to the confusing world of education policy!

The Washington Post has an excellent forum today on DC vouchers despite Obama and Duncan’s sincere wish that this issue would go away already. A series of folks were asked to provide their thoughts on the controversy, which contains a lot of material for thought and comment.
But for now I’d like to concentrate on what Sen. Dick Durbin, who led the union’s charge to kill D.C. vouchers, had to say:
“Most problematic, the Education Department’s recent report could not show that voucher students are performing better than their public school counterparts.”
After reading this I had to ask myself — is he stupid or lying? Of course, when it comes to an Illinois pol, like Durbin, one doesn’t have to choose. He could be both.
The Education Department’s report not only could show that voucher students are performing better than their public school counterparts; it did show exactly that. Unless we are parsing what the meaning of the word is… is, Durbin’s statement suggests that he either didn’t understand the report or that he is willfully distorting its findings.
Of course, both could be true.
(edited for typos)

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)
So we had fun a few weeks ago debating the relative merits of cover songs. Why not have another ball?
A little known cover of “Love is All Around” by Judy Garland:
Here’s another favorite of mine, goth-rockers Bauhaus cover Bowie’s Ziggy Stardust. The video was filmed in Austin in the mid 1980s, and I volunteered to mosh out in the body bag at the end.
Here is Pearl Jam covering Let My Love Open the Door by the Who:
U2 teams with Bjorn and Benny at a concert in Sweden to cover Dancing Queen

You…administrator…bastards…still…can’t…fire me!!!!
Matt has done a great job of describing how we could restructure schools to attract and retain the most effective people as teachers — most recently in this post.
But nothing really captures the insanity of granting lifetime employment to modestly paid graduates mostly from the bottom third of college classes with no reward for excellent performance like stories about rubber rooms. Rubber rooms are the places where teachers too incompetent to remain in classrooms go to receive public paychecks for doing absolutely nothing. A number of large districts have developed rubber rooms because it is prohibitively costly and time-consuming to actually fire a teacher.
In Los Angeles the rubber rooms have become so crowded that they’ve started “housing” teachers — paying them to stay at home. In an excellent piece this week in the Los Angelese Times we learn:
“For seven years, the Los Angeles Unified School District has paid Matthew Kim a teaching salary of up to $68,000 per year, plus benefits.
His job is to do nothing…. In the jargon of the school district, Kim is being “housed” while his fitness to teach is under review…. About 160 teachers and other staff sit idly in buildings scattered around the sprawling district, waiting for allegations of misconduct to be resolved.
The housed are accused, among other things, of sexual contact with students, harassment, theft or drug possession. Nearly all are being paid. All told, they collect about $10 million in salaries per year — even as the district is contemplating widespread layoffs of teachers because of a financial shortfall.”
The Los Angeles Times also reported (in a separate article):
“The Times reviewed every case on record in the last 15 years in which a tenured employee was fired by a California school district and formally contested the decision before a review commission: 159 in all (not including about two dozen in which the records were destroyed). The newspaper also examined court and school district records and interviewed scores of people, including principals, teachers, union officials, district administrators, parents and students.
Among the findings:
* Building a case for dismissal is so time-consuming, costly and draining for principals and administrators that many say they don’t make the effort except in the most egregious cases. The vast majority of firings stem from blatant misconduct, including sexual abuse, other immoral or illegal behavior, insubordination or repeated violation of rules such as showing up on time.
* Although districts generally press ahead with only the strongest cases, even these get knocked down more than a third of the time by the specially convened review panels, which have the discretion to restore teachers’ jobs even when grounds for dismissal are proved.
* Jettisoning a teacher solely because he or she can’t teach is rare. In 80% of the dismissals that were upheld, classroom performance was not even a factor.”
If unions succeed in organizing charter schools, they could eliminate a refuge from “worker protection” measures like these.