Carr Makes It 19-0

August 17, 2011

This finding’s been replicated more often than Picard’s Earl Grey.

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Still clearing the backlog: I haven’t had a chance yet to tout this new empirical study of Ohio’s EdChoice voucher program, by my old colleague Matt Carr, finding that – guess what, you’ll never believe this – vouchers improve outcomes at public schools!

Building on a large body of previous studies, this makes it nineteen (19) high-quality empirical studies finding school choice improves public schools and zero (0) studies finding it harms public schools.

Interestingly, Carr finds the positive impact is concentrated among the highest and lowest performing students. Since EdChoice is a failing schools voucher, you might expect schools to respond by improving service to those “bubble” students who are near the state proficiency cutoff. However, Carr finds the opposite.

Matt hypothesizes – plausibly enough – that schools are responding by improving services to the students who are most likely to use the voucher to leave. Low-performing students have the most obvious motivation to seek better services, while high-performing students are the most likely to have actively involved parents.

I do have one quibble with the study. Matt writes that his study “provides an analysis of a voucher program that has not yet been rigorously studied for its competitive effects on traditional public schools.”

Oh, really?


The Rebels in the Hills Throw the Capital into Disarray

August 17, 2011

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

Libya? Well yes at the moment but also NCLB as the Department has decided to allow states to retroactively “reset” their proficiency goals.

Over at Eduwonk, Andy grouses that if you have your attorneys study the fine print, it is actually 92 percent proficiency, and not 2014. He may be right, but the state departments of education either don’t agree or don’t realize it. The AMO charts I have seen all end with 100 percent proficiency in 2014.

McNeil and Klein write:

By letting a state retroactively revise its proficiency targets so that schools do better under the law, the department is setting a precedent that it’s willing to use any loophole or technicality to, depending on your perspective, help states out or avoid making tough decisions against states. This, too, despite vows in June that the Education Department would “enforce” the law.

After a similar faceoff with Idaho chief Tom Luna, the department also let that state keep its proficiency targets level, too, because Idaho hadn’t taken advantage of the three-years-in-a-row allowance.

Department officials say they want to give states breathing room until the details of the package come out next month. But one question I have is: If states can just go back and redo their proficiency targets so schools keep making AYP, why apply for a waiver, especially if you have to adopt reforms prescribed by the Obama administration?

Why indeed? State officials seem likely to draw the conclusion that the Department is profoundly reluctant to employ their only real weapon (withdraw of federal funds) in pursuit of a goal which Secretary Duncan has (correctly) described as utopian. A great loophole hunt may be silly, but it beats having states simply drop their cut scores or openly defy federal law while still taking federal money.

Let’s see what happens next…


Podcast on Power

August 16, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Still catching up on a travel backlog – in case you missed it, here’s my latest pod-type casting module over the inter-net system of tubes via Heartland. Main topic: the delicate balance between truth and power, and how the late unpleasantness shows the dangers to which some education reformers are already succumbing as they displace the minions of the blob as gatekeepers to the center of the conversation. Our old friend Jack Jennings, aka the human torch, also makes an appearance!


Central Planning Conservatives and DC Edu-Punditcrats

August 15, 2011

Colin Farrell ET host Mary Hart and actor Colin Farrell, winner Best Performance by an Actor in a Motion Picture - Musical Or Comedy for "In Bruges," backstage with Entertainment Tonight at the 66th Annual Golden Globe Awards held at the Beverly Hilton Hotel on January 11, 2009 in Beverly Hills, California.  (Photo by Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images) *** Local Caption *** Mary Hart;Colin Farrell

The Wall Street Journal had an excellent piece by Charles Dameron chronicling the “crony capitalism problem” of newly announced Republican presidential candidate, Gov. Rick Perry of Texas.  The piece describes a $200 million slush fund that the governor along with the leaders of the state house and senate have to “invest” taxpayer money in high tech start-ups in Texas:

The Emerging Technology Fund was created at Mr. Perry’s behest in 2005 to act as a kind of public-sector venture capital firm, largely to provide funding for tech start-ups in Texas. Since then, the fund has committed nearly $200 million of taxpayer money to fund 133 companies. Mr. Perry told a group of CEOs in May that the fund’s “strategic investments are what’s helping us keep groundbreaking innovations in the state.” The governor, together with the lieutenant governor and the speaker of the Texas House, enjoys ultimate decision-making power over the fund’s investments.

The piece goes on to document the extremely cozy relationship between the recipients of these funds (who have a proclivity for declaring bankruptcy) and Rick Perry’s campaign coffers.  But the real problem of having the government fund businesses is not the actuality or appearance of conflicts of interest, as the WSJ article seems to suggest.  The real problem is the hubris of thinking that a handful of government leaders can identify the “right” businesses to which capital should be allocated.  Why should they think that they are smarter with public dollars than the market investing private dollars?  In short, crony capitalism is an example of the errors of central planning.

The WSJ piece on Rick Perry is quite damaging, but ultimately we may have to sift through a set of candidates (from both parties) to see who has the least extensive and dangerous central planning fantasies.

I’ve often wondered why people are seduced by the thought that they know best which firms should receive investments or which standards should be used in all schools or which teaching methods are most effective for all children.  The obvious answers are that people desire power or money, both of which can be grabbed by the successful central planner.

But there is another explanation for the tendency toward central planning that deserves our attention — youth.  Young, smart people have an amazing abundance of confidence in their own abilities to identify the right way for others to act combined with an amazing shortage of disappointing experiences where that central planning has utterly failed.   And, for better or worse, young people tend to play a very large role in policy-making.

I notice the youthful dangers of central planning every time I visit Washington, DC.  Just sitting in a restaurant I often overhear some twenty-something describe (in some detail) how to restructure energy policy, deliver health care, promote virtue through the tax code, or reshape the nation’s schools.  These twenty-somethings are usually congressional staffers or think-tank wonks.  And I am just as likely to hear this central planning hubris from someone working for a Republican member of Congress or a conservative think tank.

I’ve never believed that teachers should determine education policy,that soldiers should determine military strategy, or that doctors should determine health policy, but there is something to be said for the wisdom of experience in policy-making.

Look at the folks who populate the DC education punditocracy.  Very few of them have actually ever done anything — except dream up what others should do and persuasively write about it.  They’ve worked in administrations, written policy briefs, and attended a whole lot of catered lunches, but they know remarkably little about the world.  Most have never had a regular (non-policy) job.  They don’t even know the world through scholarly inquiry, since almost none of them have ever conducted their own original empirical analyses of policies.  They read studies that others conduct, talk with each other, and write about what they think should be done.  The know about as much about policy as Entertainment Tonight hosts know about great acting.  They’ve seen other people do it and then talk about it all the time.

In short, I have no idea why we ever listen to many of these DC edu-punditcrats.  They may write very well (and often) and read a lot, but they don’t actually have any expertise.  And, given their youth and inexperience, they are very often tempted to engage in dangerous central planning fantasies.

Plenty of good-old-boys out in the hinterland engage in central planning like Rick Perry’s crony capitalism.  But their motivation to do so tends to be more cynical and obvious.  The straightforward desire for money and power is easier to detect and check.  The youthful central planning of the DC edu-punditcrats, on the other hand, is harder to contain because its practitioners enthusiastically believe in what they are doing.  They are ET Hosts who think their performances are Oscar-worthy.


Arne Duncan, Suuuuuuuuuper Geeeeeeenius!

August 12, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Before he goes ahead with the plan to set himself up as America’s first one-man legislature, Arne Duncan might want to read this detailed, devastating takedown by Rick Hess.

This is pretty much what I was trying to get at in the comments earlier this week, except a whole lot better both on substance and humor value. I couldn’t stop laughing, and I also couldn’t stop crying.

(Although I do think I should get points for working in an Iron Chefs reference.)

If Duncan doesn’t pick up the clue Rick is putting out on the table for him, here’s how his tenure might be remembered:

 


Indiana Families Line Up for Vouchers

August 12, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Catching up with a travel backlog: my Friedman Foundation colleague Paul DiPerna hit the HuffPost yesterday to let you know how the new voucher program is doing in Indiana:

In just a month’s time, some 2,200 students have already applied for scholarships to transfer to private schools for the 2011-2012 school year. Most of these kids have tried the public schools for at least one year, but they are now looking for a school that is better tailored to meet their needs.

I believe that’s easily the fastest takeup rate in the first year of a school choice program.


Emanuel Chooses a School as a Father Rather than a Mayor

August 10, 2011

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

Choice for me but not for thee, episode 5,486.

It’s easy to send a torpedo slamming into the USS Rahm below the waterline on this, but for the record, I think Emanuel should make schooling decisions as a father, rather than as a Mayor or the leader of the Chicago Public Schools. I also however think that if choice is good for his family it is also good for all families. Morality is best when private matches public.

I wouldn’t put my children in CPS, neither would you. Barack Obama also of course chose an elite private school for his daughters. They made the right decision as fathers, hopefully they will come around as leaders.

Others already have done so.

Back in 2006, we parental choice supporters in Arizona were thrilled when Janet Napolitano became the first Democratic governor to sign a new parental choice law.

Since 2006, it has become old hat.

Since 2006, Democratic governors have signed 9 private choice expansions, including a new voucher program in Oklahoma last year and a new tax credit in North Carolina this year.  This comes in addition to widespread and growing support for charter schools, which to its credit includes the administration.

Jay has correctly noted in the past that the idea that parents should have the ability to choose schools is now only a debate over the degree to which this should happen, within the bounds of respectable opinion. Oh sure, there are plenty of Ravitch-zombies out there crying in their beer, but the reason these people are angry is precisely because serious people have tuned them out.

Many great things that have happened over the last two years. It is worth noting however that the average low-income child in this country is attending a school almost entirely dictated by their zip code. That average low-income child finds themselves being taught by a teacher who will neither be rewarded for excellence, nor will be dismissed for ineffectiveness. Mayor Emanuel obviously didn’t want this for his own children (who would?) and I hope, that as the leader of the Chicago Public Schools, he will do everything in his power to see that those less fortunate than himself also enjoy expanded opportunities.


Nationalization Chickens Come Home to Roost

August 9, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

He who sleeps with dogs gets fleas. Conservatives who spent the last year pooh-poohing concerns about federal government coercion lying behind the “voluntary” “state-driven” adoption of Common Core, and stigmatizing as “paranoid” those of us who sounded the alarm, are now shocked and saddened to discover that – hold on to your hats! – the federal government is gearing up to use the ridiculous and unobtainable NCLB 100% proficiency requirement as a bludgeon to force the last remaining holdout states to bow down and adopt Common Core.

I am shocked – shocked! – to discover that nationalization is going on in here!

If it’s too much to ask that they come out and admit that it was always a bad idea to sign on to an agenda that was obviously being driven by nationalizers, much less that they apologize to those of us whom they smeared and laughed at along the way, could we now at least ask for a moratorium on the silly “we can quit any time we want!” argument?

I mean the assertion that once states have been forced to sign up for Common Core, the fact that they remain signed up rather than dropping out somehow counts as evidence that they’re really “voluntarily” on board. Leave aside the fact that it basically boils down to saying it’s OK for state political leaders to be prostitutes and destroy children’s lives for money as long as they then come out after the fact and admit openly that that’s what they were doing all along. Does anyone really think that strongarming is something that happens only once? I mean, if your corner grocery gets a visit from Guido and Rocco and immediately thereafter signs up as a member of the Legitimate Businessmen’s Neighborhood Business Protection Society, does its membership count as “voluntary” because it stays in the society year after year even though Guido and Rocco never set foot in the place again?

Suppoose the LBNBPS people swear – cross their hearts and hope to die – that they’ve fired Guido and Rocco and have gone totally legitimate? Would anyone believe them? Would businesses feel free to leave?

I get the sense that conservatives who like Common Core want a do-over. They want to disengage from their former allies among the nationalizers and reposition themselves as champions of high state standards.

Fine! Step one to getting a do-over is to actually do it over.

Common Core is irreversibly associated with nationalization. It already was before the latest word about NCLB waivers; that news doesn’t create, but merely confirms, the permanent link between CC and nationalization of education.

You want genuinely state-driven common standards? Create some.


American Airlines is Dead to Me

August 6, 2011

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

So last night I boarded a plane in New Orleans heading back to Phoenix after the ALEC conference. The flight was delayed a bit by weather, and three of my former comrades from the Goldwater Institute were on the same flight. We had to change planes in Dallas to reach Phoenix, and knew that the connection would be tight.

As luck would have it, we arrived in Dallas a mere three gates away from the flight to Phoenix. The four of us arrived at the gate 10 minutes before the scheduled departure of the plane, only to learn that American Airlines had sold our seats out from under us. They had no other flight to put us on, nor did any other airline. Back in the day, an airline might use their advanced data base technology to hold a plane for a few minutes to get someone three gates down onto their flight, but American Airlines apparently prefers to simply sell your seat.

Instead of the flight home that we had purchased, we were given a night in a hotel and a flight out in the morning. In my case, this meant rescheduling a flight my wife and son had scheduled for Saturday morning at a nontrivial expense.  A person at the hotel told us that they hear this sort of story on a routine basis and sometimes get 50 stranded passengers a night.

Now at this point, many of you may be asking yourself “Self, why in the world would he put up an image of Airplane 2: The Sequel when the far superior Airplane was available?” Ah, well, glad you asked. I chose Airplane 2: The Sequel because this is in fact the second time in the last three years that American Airlines left me stranded in Dallas. On October 1, 2009 they left me stranded in Dallas and were not going to be able to get me to my destination in time for me to make a debate a couple of hours outside Atlanta after I had received assurances that they would be holding flights.

American Airlines won’t receive a third chance to strand me, and I was foolish to give them a second. Feel free to keep this in mind the next time you book a flight.


Misleading “Market”

August 5, 2011

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Over the past two weeks we’ve basically gone back to basics and done a ground up survey of why competition is preferable to technocracy (“scientifically” determine the “best” reforms and then strongarm schools into doing them).

Jay’s last post in particular, outlining why it’s better to build whole new institutions than try to gradually develop programmatic reforms within existing ones, made me want to step in with this point:

I think we who emphasize competition between different school models need to quit relying so heavily on the word “market” to describe the mechanism we’re trying to create. I’m not saying we should never use the word, I just think we’ve invested too heavily in it. Let’s focus on competition between different school models. If we can get people that far, which I think is very doable – consider how business-savvy the cool kids are; they know that competition is good and healthy – then we can let people think and discover what kind of mechanism creates that kind of competition. The realization that this mechanism is really a “market” can come later, or even never. Call it a bannana split if you want!

It’s bad enough that the word “market” is misleading to the many people who have limited conceptions of what a “market” is. For many if not most people “market” conjures up images of widget factories and green-eyeshade negotiations in which dollars and cents matter most. And you simply cannot deal with that by telling people that isn’t what a market “really” is. In a society like ours with no general social agreement on what counts as knowledge and meaning, it simply isn’t possible any longer to correct people’s misuse of words by telling them that the word “really” means something else. Not to them it doesn’t! And who are you to tell them their meaning is “wrong” while yours is “right”?

But more importantly, I think shallow thinking about what counts as a “market” has infected too many people in the school choice movement itself. On Jay’s post I left a comment with a snippit from this 1988 article by Milton Friedman:

In some ways, referring to “the market” puts the discussion on the wrong basis. The market is not a cow to be milked; neither is it a sure-fire cure for all ills.

Well, here’s a passage from that article that I think the school choice movement would do well to ponder. Discussing the privatization of government-owned monopolies, with particular concern for the opening up of China’s economy, Milton writes:

One way to overcome the opposition to privatization, widely used in Britain is, as described by Robert Pool,

To identify potential opponents and cut them in on the deal, general by means of stock ownership. The specific applications of the principle are (1) employee stock ownership, and (2) popular capitalism…

A pitfall to be avoid in adopting such expedients is to sweeten the deal by converting a government monopoly into a private monopoly – which may be an improvement but falls far short of the desirable outcome. The U.S. Postal Service illustrates that pitfall as well as the fallacy that mimicking the form of private enterprise can achieve the substance. It was established as a supposedly independent government corporation that would not be subject to direct political influence and that would operate on market principles. That has hardly been the outcome, and understandably so. It remained a monopoly and did not develop a strong private interest in efficiency.

Isn’t that what we’re doing in the school choice movement now? Not a single existing school choice program – not one – is designed in a way that is attractive and supportive for educational entrepreneurs who want to create new school models? Re-read Jay’s post about creating new institutions that reinvent the school from the ground up. If you were one of the cool kids and wanted to start a school like that, would any of the existing school choice programs be attractive to you? Or are we just transitioning from a government monopoly system to a public/private oligopoly in which a small group of powerful school systems (government, Catholic, and a few others) divide the spoils and keep entrepreneurs outside in the cold?

Something to think about, anyway.