
Education Next launched a blog to accompany their re-designed web site. It looks great!
And yours truly has a post on the Ed Next blog about teacher burn-out. Check it out!

Education Next launched a blog to accompany their re-designed web site. It looks great!
And yours truly has a post on the Ed Next blog about teacher burn-out. Check it out!
Pat Wolf has an article summarizing and clarifying the latest evidence from the official evaluation of the D.C. voucher program newly posted at Education Next.
The part that struck me the most was how strong the DC voucher results are compared to the results of all of the other rigorous evaluations sponsored by the U.S. Department of Education:
The achievement results from the D.C. voucher evaluation are also striking when compared to the results from other experimental evaluations of education policies. The National Center for Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance (NCEE) at the IES has sponsored and overseen 11 studies that are RCTs, including the OSP evaluation. Only 3 of the 11 education interventions tested, when subjected to such a rigorous evaluation, have demonstrated statistically significant achievement impacts overall in either reading or math. The reading impact of the D.C. voucher program is the largest achievement impact yet reported in an RCT evaluation overseen by the NCEE. A second program was found to increase reading outcomes by about 40 percent less than the reading gain from the DC OSP. The third intervention was reported to have boosted math achievement by less than half the amount of the reading gain from the D.C. voucher program. Of the remaining eight NCEE-sponsored RCTs, six of them found no statistically significant achievement impacts overall and the other two showed a mix of no impacts and actual achievement losses from their programs.
As always, The Onion is there to help us get our kids ready to do well as school starts.
My favorite tip: “Develop a working model for a reformed educational system that addresses the needs of every child at a reasonable taxpayer cost. Then become powerful and implement that system.”
Just as we released our new study on special education vouchers in Florida, Marc Thiessen and Michael O’Hanlon have a piece in USA Today advocating for the policy, specifically to help students with autism.
Thiessen is a Republican and fellow at the Hoover Institution and O’Hanlon is a Democrat and fellow at the Brookings Institution. Special education vouchers clearly appeal across party lines. And since disabilities are distributed roughly evenly across all racial and economic groups, the programs can have a broad base of political support to be adopted and protected from destructive regulation or roll-back efforts. One thing we are learning from urban voucher programs targeted at disadvantaged populations is that they are very hard to sustain politically. The targeted groups are also the most politically powerless.
Marcus Winters and I have a super-awesome study released today by the Manhattan Institute. It shows that offering disabled students special education vouchers reduces the likelihood that public schools will identify students as disabled.
This isn’t what Andy Rotherham and Sara Mead expected. They claimed in a 2003 report for the Progress Policy Institute that: “special education vouchers may actually exacerbate the over-identification problem by creating a new incentive for parents to have children diagnosed with a disability in order to obtain a voucher.”
It didn’t. The reason special education vouchers restrained growth in disabilities, rather than exacerbate it, is that the vouchers check public schools’ financial incentives to identify more students as disabled. Public schools may get additional subsidies when they shift more students into special education, but if they then make students eligible for special education vouchers, they risk having those students walk out the door with all of their funding. It makes the public schools think twice before over-identifying disabilities for financial reasons.
And outside of the DC bubble, schools control the process of whether students are identified as disabled — not parents. So, if we can check the positive financial incentives that public schools have for over-identifying disabilities, we can significantly slow growth in special education.
Nearly 1 in 7 students nationwide is now classified as having a disability. That’s 63% more than three decades ago. It’s clear that this huge increase in disabilities was not caused by a true increase in the incidence of disabilities in the population. No plague has afflicted our children over the last three decades to disable two-thirds more of them.
Instead, non-medical factors have been driving special education enrollments higher. Chief among these is the financial incentives we offer schools in most states to shift more students into special education by providing additional subsidies for each student classified as disabled.
Some states have reformed their special education funding formulas to end these financial rewards for higher special education rolls. Greg and I reported in a 2002 study that states that continued to pay schools per student identified as disabled had much higher rates of growth in special education than states that had reformed their funding formulas. Elizabeth Dhuey of the University of Toronto and Stephen Lipscomb of the Public Policy Institute of California have confirmed these findings.
Julie Cullen of UC San Diego has found that “fiscal incentives can explain over 35 percent of the recent growth in student disability rates in Texas.” And Sally Kwak, a student of David Card at UC Berkeley and now a professor at U of Hawaii, finds a significant slow-down in special education enrollments when California reformed its funding system.
The new study Marcus and I released today builds upon this growing research by showing yet again that public schools strongly consider non-medical factors when deciding whether to classify students as disabled. I don’t mean to suggest that all school officials are conscious of these incentives or acting with evil intention. But it is clear that the system in which they operate and their actions are shaped by these financial incentives.
If we discovered that hospitals were filling their beds with healthy people who just felt a little tired in order to obtain additional government subsidies, we would be outraged and demand dramatic reforms. Public schools are doing the same and it is time we get outraged and demand reforms.

I’ve heard there is a super-awesome study about to be released by the Manhattan Institute on how special education vouchers affect the probability that students will be newly identified as having a disability. I hear the study is fantastic and the authors are super-smart.
Stay tuned!
UPDATE: Here’s the study.

The Wall Street Journal has a piece today on how urban school districts around the country have launched marketing programs to lure students back from charters and neighboring districts after having lost large portions of their enrollment.
This is the first step in their 12-step program — acknowledging that they have a problem and need to do something about it. For all of you folks out there who doubt that public schools respond to competitive pressure (Rick Hess, Sol Stern, Mike Petrilli, Kevin Carey, etc…), how do you explain this response?
I know, I know they might respond that marketing is not a real response in that it does not involve actually improving school quality. That’s true, but if the schools are doing things to improve, how would anyone know about it if the schools don’t market their strengths?
And I would agree that a marketing campaign is not a sufficient response, but it is an important sign that they are noticing the competition and experiencing pain from losing enrollment. They’ve acknowledge that there is a power higher than them… and it is the customer.

The new book from Rick Hanushek and Alfred Lindseth, Schoolhouses, Courthouses, and Statehouses, is a remarkably comprehensive and accessible review of K-12 education reform strategies. It’s a must-read for education policymakers, advocates, and students — at both the graduate and undergraduate levels. Even experienced researchers will find this to be an essential reference, given its broad sweep and extensive citations.
The book basically makes four arguments. First it establishes how important K-12 educational achievement really is to economic success and how far we are lagging our economic competitors in this area. Second, it demonstrates the dominance and utter failure of input-oriented reform strategies, including across-the-board spending increases and class-size reductions. Third, it describes how the court system has perpetuated failed input-reform strategies after having bought intellectually dishonest methods of calculating how much spending schools really need. And fourth, it makes the case for reform strategies that involve “performance-based funding,” including merit pay, accountability systems, and choice.
None of these arguments is original to this book. But to the extent that others have made these arguments, they have drawn heavily on Rick Hanushek’s research. In this book you get to hear it directly from the source and you get to hear it all so persuasively and completely.
If I have any complaint about the book it is that they are too restrained in their criticisms of the methods by which adequate school spending has been determined and the “researchers” who have developed and profited from those methods. These fraudulent analyses have justified court decisions ordering billions of dollars to be taken from taxpayers and blown ineffectively in schools. And the quacks promoting these methods have made millions of dollars in consulting fees in the process.
Those methods include the “professional judgment approach,” which essentially consists of gathering a group of educators and asking them how much money they think they would need to provide an “adequate” education, Naturally, they need flying saucers, ponies, and a laser tag arena to ensure an adequate education.
Another method is the “evidence-based approach,” which selectively reads the research literature to identify what it claims are effective educational practices. It then sums the cost of those practices while paying no attention to how many are really necessary for an adequate education or whether any of them are really cost-effective.
There is also the “successful schools approach,” which looks at how much money a typical successful school spends and calls for all schools to spend at least that much. This of course ignores the fact that many successful schools spend less than the typical amount and are still successful. One would have thought it impossible for them to be successful with less money than that deemed necessary to succeed.
And lastly, there is the “cost-function approach.” This approach takes the conventional finding that higher spending, controlling for other factors, has little to no relationship with student achievement, and then turns that finding on its head. It does this by switching the dependent variable from student achievement to cost. The question then becomes: how much each unit of achievement contributes to school costs. Switching the dependent variable does nothing to change the lack of relationship between spending and achievement. If you hide behind enough statistical mumbo-jumbo you can hope that the courts won’t notice that there is still virtually no relationship between spending and achievement controlling for other factors.
The Hanushek and Lindseth book lays all of this out (see especially chapter 7), but they are remarkably restrained in denouncing these approaches and the people who cynically profit from them. I don’t think we should be so restrained. The promoters of this snake oil are often university professors with sterling national reputations. They’ve cashed in those reputations to market obviously flawed methods. We shouldn’t let them do this without paying a significant price in their reputation.
The University of Southern California’s Larry Picus, and the University of Wisconsin’s Allan Odden, are both past presidents of the well-respected American Education Finance Association. They shouldn’t be able to sell the “evidence-based approach” to 5 states for somewhere around $3 million without people pointing and laughing when they show up at conferences.
I know that Rick Hanushek and Alfred Lindseth are too professional and scholarly to call these folks frauds, but I’m not sure what else one could honestly call them. Rick comes close in his Education Next article on these school funding adequacy consultants, entitled, “The Confidence Men.” But in this book,perhaps with the tempered emotions of his co-author, he adopts a more restrained tone. Perhaps this is all for the best because the book maintains the kind of scholarly temperament that strengthens its persuasiveness to those who would be more skeptical.
This has been a great year for education reform books. Schoolhouses, Courthouses, and Statehouses joins Terry Moe and John Chubb’s Liberating Learning, released earlier this summer, as members of the canon of essential education reform works.

As Congress scrambles to add a couple billion more to the “cash for clunkers” program, the DC punditocracy sees the program as a sign that government programs are turning the economy around. Seizing the positive moment, President Obama flew to Indiana to decalre that the economic tide is turning thanks to his efforts and to promise more government programs to spur economic activity.
Who knows if the economy is really turning or how robust a recovery will be? But whatever progress does occur has nothing to do with cash for clunkers or other stimulus spending.
Yes, giant government subsidies for new car purchases have led to many more new car sales. But that doesn’t mean that the program has made a net contribution to economic activity. All that the program did was divert economic activity from one area to another or from one time to another. The increase in new car sales comes at the expense of used car sales, new car sales in the future, and the purchase of other goods and services. There is no free lunch.
If we offered giant government subsidies for anything, we would see more purchases of that thing, but that doesn’t mean that the subsidies made a net contribution to economic activity.
Just yesterday I noticed that Procter and Gamble reported an 18% drop in profits from an 11% drop in sales. Maybe we need a government program to spark more sales for P&G. The government could offer “cash for Crest,” P&G’s toothpaste brand. If the government threw a couple billion dollars of subsidies at toothpaste sales, I’m sure we’d see an explosion in toothpaste purchases. But if the government did so, all we would be doing is shifting consumption to toothpaste away from other current or future consumption.
The Wall Street Journal has proposed the proper solution to this problem. How about if we have a $4,500 subsidy for everything? Of course, the WSJ correctly notes that this is “crackpot economics.” But that somehow doesn’t stop Obama or the punditocracy from declaring economic victory for government planning.