Oprah Strikes Again

September 26, 2010

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

Oprah went back to the Waiting for Superman theme on Friday.

Geoffrey Canada is on fire, Cory Booker is too: “We cannot have a superior democracy with an inferior education system.”

Gov. Christie is giving control over the Newark school system to Cory, and Zuckerberg made a $100 million donation to help make it work.


Heroic Reformer Theory Fails

September 15, 2010

Yesterday’s defeat of Adrian Fenty in DC and the likely ouster of heroic school reform superintendent, Michelle Rhee, should remind all of us of the very real limits of the heroic reformer theory of school reform.  That theory holds that we just need to place the right people in positions of power in the school system and then support their heroic efforts with supplemental funding and political support.

The main problem with maintaining centralized government control over schooling and just changing who controls that centralized system is that the forces of the status quo have enormous incentives and even stronger ability to recapture control even if they temporarily lose it.

Rhee was probably pushing for the many good reforms, but the more she pushed for them the more incentive the edublob had to win the next election, remove her from office, and undo her efforts.  And eventually they did.

Happily, DC is also decentralizing control over the school system, especially with its large and growing charter sector.  Whoever is in charge of the  DC public school district, that person will be in charge of a shrinking organization.  The right way to reform DC is to make it easy for everyone who wants to leave a failing school to do so.  That can’t be as easily reversed as changing the person who is charge of a centralized system.


RTTT Scoring is Distorted by Politics

September 12, 2010

No one should be shocked that the “peer-review” process for Race to the Top is distorted by political considerations, especially since we at JPGB (among others) have been warning about it for months.  But it is nice to see someone actually document the existence and magnitude of the distortion.

One of my students at the University of Arkansas, Dan Bowen, conducted an analysis that was featured in AEI’s Education Stimulus Watch.  It predicted each state’s RTTT “peer-review” score based on independent ratings of state reform efforts by Education Week’s Quality Counts and others.  It then also considered whether political considerations were systematically related to a state doing significantly better or worse in the “peer-review” process than would be predicted by those independent ratings.  Dan found that states with hotly contested Senate or gubernatorial contests received significantly higher scores:

…having a contested seat for the 2010 election increases round-one RTT scores by at least thirty-five points, and up to seventy-seven points (15 percent of the total available points) if a state has contested races for both governor and Senate. Second, the inclusion of a state’s political circumstances, along with its education-reform record, improves the model’s capacity to explain and predict round-one RTT scores.
Dan does not mean to suggest that the peer-reviewers consciously changed their scores to advance the Administration’s political agenda.  Political distortions can and do creep into these processes in subtle ways, such as the weighting of different criteria in the scoring rubric, the selection of who is a reviewer, the informal signals sent to the reviewers about what factors should be considered, etc…
Be sure to check out the full report.

The Lioness in the Winter?

September 9, 2010

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

I’m seeing increasing eduland chatter that DC Mayor Adrian Fenty is trouble in his reelection bid.  Rick Hess provides an on the scene view of what is at risk:

When it comes to teacher evaluation, the teacher contract, textbook distribution, special education, scheduling, data systems, and much else, Rhee’s team has gotten DCPS to the point where it is functional. It isn’t yet an especially good school system, but it’s no longer broken and it’s positioned to be something much more.

I’m even a bit more bullish than this on DCPS. In our rankings of state NAEP performance for ALEC’s Report Card on American Education, DC came up with the second highest overall gains between 2003 and 2009, behind only Florida. The NAEP gains in the District predate Rhee’s tenure, but accelerated between 2007 and 2009.  If the Fenty/Rhee regime survives, an academic golden age of improvement lies within the grasp of the long-troubled district.

If not, it will likely take longer. The bottom-up pressure on DCPS in the form of a large and growing charter school sector will remain.  I have some hope that the union’s pillow smothering of the DC Opportunity Scholarship Program might be reversed after many of their minions are forced out of Congress.

That's my lobbying job! No MINE!!!!!

The path to reform is difficult. There have been and will continue to be bitter losses along the way. For the sake of the 56% of DC 4th graders who still can’t read at a Basic level despite the progress to date, I hope that prematurely losing Rhee will not be one of them.


Boards of Education That Approve “Inquiry-Based” Standards for ‎K-12 Students Need To Do Inquiry-Based Thinking Themselves

September 8, 2010

(Guest Post by Sandra Stotsky)

State boards of education are generally viewed as dull or weak citizen boards when compared with local school boards–which tend to be much livelier and far more involved with educational issues (often to the chagrin of local school administrators). There are many reasons why state boards do not have a reputation for being active or strong guardians of the public interest in their state. They tend to consist of people who work full-time and don’t have the time or energy to delve into the details of all the regulatory or policy matters that state boards must approve by statute.  They tend to meet only once a month–which doesn’t allow time for finding all the devils in the details of any important policy-laden issue. In addition, the recommendations of the commissioner or state superintendent of education are too easy to rely on if the person was appointed by the board on the basis of professional credentials, in contrast to being elected or a governor’s political appointment. And in many states, board members themselves are appointed by the governor and are often chosen for reasons other than having a reasonable familiarity with K-12 education or a reputation for asking enlightening questions instead of grandstanding, pontificating, obsessing over a few specific issues, or expressing stream-of-consciousness ruminations.

Yet, despite their flaws and weaknesses, there is a case to be made for revitalizing and strengthening state boards of education, especially at a time when efforts are being made to leave both local and state boards of education in the dust on vital matters of curriculum and instruction in the name of equalizing academic expectations for all students and obtaining comparable test scores across states.  These are desirable educational goals in themselves but not to the exclusion of goals that take cognizance of differences in students’ interests, talents, and abilities. At the least, we should not enfeeble state boards of education by structural changes that centralize educational decision-making and minimize the possibility of getting corrective feedback from informed public discussion of proposed or implemented policies. In what follows, I offer an analysis of how the Patrick administration in Massachusetts effectively silenced what was once known as a strong state board.

In November 2006, I was appointed by outgoing Governor Romney to the nine-member Massachusetts Board of Education. In January 2008, the legislature passed the bill Governor Patrick wanted establishing a cabinet-level position of secretary of education and expanding the board to eleven member–with almost no opposition registered.  My term of office was specifically shortened by a year and a half.  But, three and one-half years on the board was enough to discern the effects of these changes on statewide educational decision-making.

It is worth noting that in testimony at a 2003 hearing for an ultimately unsuccessful bill proposing a similar position for a different governor, Paul Reville, then director of the Center for Education Research and Policy at MassINC, warned that an education secretariat…seems to create “three masters” for the commissioner of education: the governor, the secretary of education, and the board of education including its chair.  How wrong Reville was. The position of secretary of education created in January 2008, to which the governor appointed Reville several months later, did not create confusion for the commissioner of elementary and secondary education.  It in effect created one new boss for him: the secretary of education, who was to oversee the budgets and coordinate the policies of the state’s three education agencies as well as serve as a voting member on their boards.

Expansion was the key to minimizing independent thinking on the K-12 board because it required alteration of all members’ terms of office. These changes were carefully spelled out in the 2008 bill to enable the governor to control the majority immediately and, by appointment, re-appointment, or non-re-appointment, all but the student member within a few years.

To reduce potential power plays between Secretary Reville and the board chair (whose appointment was already in the governor’s power), someone who could run meetings on time and had no political ambitions was needed and quickly found.  Indeed, the regular presence and seating of Secretary Reville at board meetings came to symbolize his role; newly appointed Commissioner Mitchell Chester was sandwiched between him and the chair, Maura Banta, at the head table. Banta, in turn, was flanked on her other side by the board’s union representative. Not much wiggle-room for Commissioner Chester.

The first clear sign that the governor’s office, not the board, was Commissioner Chester’s boss was his appointment of Karla Baehr, former Superintendent of the Lowell Public Schools, as a second deputy commissioner within two months after Chester’s appointment in 2008.  The governor had wanted her for commissioner of elementary and secondary education, but the board had selected someone else for other reasons. The board knew nothing officially about the addition of a second deputy commissioner to the department of elementary and secondary education until the media announced it.

Since spring 2008, the board has voted on very few significant policies for K-12.  Indeed, when asked to note for the 2009 summer retreat what important decisions they had made in the previous year, hardly anyone could think of even one. The bulk of the board’s time has been spent discussing (in excruciating detail) and voting on charter school applications or issues, as evidenced in its monthly agendas.

Almost all meeting agendas have been determined by the secretary of education and commissioner, with no board input desired.  Secretary Reville told the board directly at a 2008 summer retreat that meetings would be too long if every topic members wanted discussed became an agenda item.

Because the governor controlled a majority of board members from 2007 on, discussion was minimal on most, especially non-charter school, issues. The secretary of education rarely asked questions at board meetings because he didn’t need to; the chair usually asked none. Although the board regularly received brief updates on the Common Core initiative, there was clearly no need to waste time discussing the implications of national standards for Massachusetts or the quality of Common Core’s evolving standards. Patrick-appointed board members knew they were going to adopt these standards no matter what condition they were in. The draft copy placed in an appendix in its January Race To The Top application (explicitly noting the commissioner’s intention to consider adopting them in the future) was of such inferior quality that it had to be completely revised for the public comment version released in March. The chair was the only board member who saw that application before it was sent off,  and no board member raised a question about it after hard copies were sent to all board members in response to my request for a copy.

With the non-re-appointment in June 2010 of  the two board members appointed by former Governor Romney (Tom Fortmann and me) and their replacement by more Patrick appointees, the board has become little more than a facade satisfying a statute that requires a citizen board to provide oversight of the department of education.

The ostensible results of the 2008 legislation have been exactly as intended–complete control of the state’s educational agenda by the Executive Office of Education, with minimal public discussion of important matters.  But, by centralizing policy-making and appointing a politically partisan board with little understanding of K-12, the administration has prevented its own officials as well as the public from learning about flaws in the policies it proposes or adopts. The bill for that hubris will begin to come due when teachers in the Bay State start implementing the inferior national standards this year.  And what will the fallback explanation be to parents when high school students deemed “college-ready” by grade 10 or 11 state tests based on those standards go to college and fail some of their college courses?  Or will they not be allowed to fail?  These are questions that all state boards adopting Common Core’s standards  should discuss and need to be prepared to answer.


Why Teachers Are Being Laid Off

August 23, 2010

In this photo taken on Tuesday, Aug. 10, 2010, ...

If you want to know why teachers are being laid off in California (even if teaching has remained one of the most secure jobs nationwide) you might want to check out this new $578 million high school in LA Unified School District.  As we’ve written before on JPGB, buildings don’t teach kids, people do.  Given the way school districts squander their resources, maybe they’ll soon need another $26 billion in Edujobs from Congress (read: taxpayers).

[CORRECTION — Oops.  This is actually a photo of a different (and much less costly) high school in LA, the Visual and Performing Arts High School.  I can only imagine that the new $578 million high school is plated in gold.]

Thanks to Stuart for finding a photo of the $578 million high school.  It doesn’t look plated in gold so I guess the gold is on the inside:


Why I am Voting For the Millage

August 13, 2010

I intend to vote for the school millage increase in Fayetteville on September 21.  I know that my supporting a millage increase seems as likely as pigs flying, but both can happen — I support local taxes that are well-spent.  I also believe those Razorbacks will soar this year.

I opposed the previous millage effort, but I did so because it seemed extravagant and wasteful.  Much of the current high school is adequate and there was no need to demolish it entirely and replace it with a new Taj Mahal.  Besides, there is no evidence that fancy buildings improve education. Buildings don’t teach kids, people do.

But the voters soundly rejected the previous millage by almost 2 to 1 and the school board got the message.  They scaled back their plans, found clever ways to economize by keeping much of the current structure, and they took full advantage of federally subsidized loans.

Now the school board is asking for a more modest millage increase to take even more advantage of those federal loan plans and save $29 million in interest.  Voting for this millage is a no-brainer.  The only effect of rejecting it would be that we would pay$29 million more in interest payments on the same school construction loans we are going to take out anyway.  We’ll have to pay that $29 million someday with a larger millage increase or force $29 million in operational cuts, which could be done but certainly won’t be comfortable.

I have to confess that I hesitated for a few moments in supporting even this no-brainer.  The current school board has not earned my trust or confidence with their past bumbling on plans for the high school, their embrace of 21st Century Skills nonsense, and their phony public input cheer-leading events.  I don’t even like the name of the pro-millage group, Smart Fayetteville Committee, since it is obviously manipulative and not-at-all smart to dub whatever you support “smart.”

I also have to confess that if I had my druthers we would have two, smaller high schools rather than remodeling one big one.  I would gladly pay an even higher new millage for that.  But that option is not on the table.  The school district has moved forward with its remodeling plan and now our only choice is whether to pay more or less in interest payments.  I prefer paying less in interest even if it means having a higher millage for a while.


Oh, Those Poor, Powerless School Boards

August 12, 2010

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Mike Petrilli draws attention to this Washington Post column by Laura Berthiaume of the Montgomery County, Md. school board. Mike seems be taking Berthiaume’s claims pretty seriously. I’m not sure why.

Berthiaume is responding to the Post‘s complaints that school boards bend to the wishes of the unions, because the unions have disproportionate power in school board elections.

She begins by acknowledging that the Post is basically right:

It is true that all current board members have gotten their seats with some level of union blessing.

Well, give her this at least: she’s not doing this the easy way. Beating your opponent at chess by knocking down your own king as your opening move is a tough challenge!

She writes:

In the balance of power between the board of education and the bureaucracy, the superintendent and his staff hold all the cards.

That’s a mighty strong claim, considering that, on paper, the superintendent works for the school board. So how does she justify it?

They outwit, outlast and outplay.

Well, forgive me for asking, but: whose fault is that?

Berthiaume elaborates:

When the union felt threatened by an impending state action more tightly linking teacher evaluations to student performance, an “agreement” between MCPS and the unions was announced in The Post on April 21 — and all but one board member found out about it that same morning, in the newspaper.

Well, OK, that was a nasty thing for the superintendent to do. And to hold him accountable you did what?

In my experience, the board actually has little to no impact on union contract negotiations: The superintendent and his staff negotiate the contracts.

And the superintendent is supposed to be held accountable for looking out for the district’s interests in these negotiations by whom?

Even if there ever were actual board opposition, it would be met with a fierce, resolute wall of angry staff.

And the staff work for whom?

Just what does Berthiaume think the voters of Montgomery County put her in office to do? Just what does she think the taxpayers of Montgomery County are paying her for? To rubber stamp whatever the superintendent and his staff do?

If they’re just there to look good, why don’t they put their pictures on the ballots so we can judge for ourselves which candidates are best qualified to fulfill the expectations of the office?

Look, I understand the obstacles to reform are humongous. But if God puts you in a position of responsibility (and really, he’s put all of us in some kind of position of responsibility) then it’s your duty to fight for the right as smartly and as spiritedly as you can, get whatever you can get, and go home at the end of the day satisfied that whatever else others may have done, you fought the good fight.

And if you really think your ability to accomplish anything is zero – well, shame on you for wasting the talent God gave you by spending your time on something you admit is useless!

Update: Just to be clear, Berthiaume is right that the Post shouldn’t go easy on the superintendent and lay all the blame on the board. But she should quit going so easy on herself and laying all the blame on the superintendent!


A Little Context for OFA’s Sob Story

August 10, 2010

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

The latest item making the rounds is an e-mail from Organizing for America, the old Obama campaign appendage now grafted into the DNC. A teacher from Ambler, Pa. pleads that if we don’t shovel a huge chunk of money into the EduJobs rathole, it’s theoretically possible that someone “like me” could potentially lose a job.

With that special blend of entitlement mentality and self-righteousness only the blob has mastered, she solemnly intones:

I’m not a special interest. I’m a teacher.

(Portentious boldface in original.)

Jim Geraghty would like you to be aware of the numbers featured above – this teacher’s school district, Wissahickon, has an average salary almost half again as high as the state average salary. And that’s before we look at benefits, which are much richer for teachers than in the private sector. Geraghty remarks:

When the local board of education spends money at a rate that the local tax base cannot afford, those teachers who refuse to adjust their salaries to reality do start to look like a special interest.

Mike Petrilli hammers the point home:

Your job could easily be saved if your union leaders were willing to accept some modest concessions. (Even a salary freeze might do the trick.)  But when teachers demand job protections, generous benefits, and salary increases in the midst of a recession…well, that’s expecting special treatment, indeed.

Not to mention JPGB’s own Matt Ladner, commenting on the instantly-famous chart comparing private sector job destruction in the current crisis to government job protection:

The yellow line just put another $10 billion on the credit card of the red line. Let them eat cake!

Sometimes I almost feel sorry for these people.


Checker Says RELAX!

July 29, 2010

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

Checker Finn wrote a response to the eight or so of us incurable skeptics of  Common Core Standards.  I will address a few points. Checker wrote:

Yes, it would have been better if the voluntary move by states to develop and consider adopting common standards hadn’t been entangled in a competition for federal money. Yes, it would be better if more of that same federal money weren’t paying for development of new assessment systems to accompany the standards. Yes, it would have been lots better if President Obama had never hinted at harnessing national standards to future Title I funding. Yes, the long-term governance of the standards and tests remains to be worked out.

But good grief, folks, do you really want to preserve the meager academic expectations, crummy tests, and weak-kneed accountability arrangements that currently drive—or fail to drive—K-12 education across most of this broad land? Are you so risk averse and change resistant as to see no merit in trying to do this differently in the future?

So other than that, how did you like the play Mrs. Lincoln? The final point about long-term governance alone is more than enough to reject Common Core.  Checker quickly moves the discussion straight into a straw-man argument. Do I want to preserve a status quo of meager standards?  No thank you. Good standards and tests are a vital part of a comprehensive reform package. 

No one who supports Common Core can seem to muster anything better than a “yeah, we’ll figure that out later” on long-term governance. Let’s just say that I’d happily bet my left big toe that Common Core has already reserved a final resting place in the failed education fad graveyard.  This has all happened before, and it will all happen again. Tick tock.

Checker goes on to very odd paragraph:

Third, much as I wish otherwise, conservatives’ preferred alternative ed ucation-reform strategies haven’t gained the traction or scale that advocates (myself included) hoped for, nor have they delivered reliably better academic results. Yes, the principle has largely been accepted that kids need not necessarily attend the district school in their neighborhood. Yet you can count the voucher programs on your fingers. And charter-school enrollments, while respectably up, don’t amount to more than 3 percent of all kids. The parent marketplace isn’t causing bad schools to close. (Only Catholic schools, many of them fine, seem to be closing.) One can keep beating this drum—and you’ll find more and more people snapping their fingers in time with the beat—but, mostly for political reasons that aren’t going away, it hasn’t produced a lot of marching.

Oi vey- again with the magic bullet straw man. Let’s get this straight once and for all: within real world political constraints parental choice programs are not a panacea to the ills of public education. Neither is anything else.  Let’s all pull up our big boy pants and have everyone admit there are no magic bullets in K-12

It is not the case however that a reform needs to either be a cure-all, or we don’t do it at all. By that logic, Massachusetts should abolish all student testing because there are still illiterate children in Boston. Florida may as well abolish their reforms too- after all, 27% of 4th graders still score Below Basic in reading!

Parental choice programs have been demonstrated to have positive academic effects on participants, and positive impacts on district schools.  So far as I know, no one else has come up with another decentralized system of accountability that allows parents to hold schools directly accountable. Please let me know when someone does- and sign me up. Until then, it is worth bearing in mind that no system of schooling will ever be as effective as it could be in the absence of parental choice. Top down command and control efforts have their limits. Comprehensive approaches are the way to go- and the one state that has tried it succeeded in vastly improving student learning.

Checker is frustrated with the trench warfare pace of the battle for parental choice. So am I, but let’s not lose sight of what has been accomplished. Nationwide, 25 percent of students attend schools other than their zoned district school. Figure at least that many parents have exercised “check-book choice” by paying a premium for housing in neighborhoods with desirable district schools. I’d guess it is more than that, but it would be just that, a guess. Half down, half to go. Don’t give up yet, Checker. 

In any case, none of this discussion about choice this has anything to do with whether states should adopt Common Core. Back on task, Checker writes:

So yes, I’ve partly changed my mind about national standards and tests. I’m mindful of the risks and unknowns that lie ahead. I’m not totally satisfied with the Common Core. (Our raters gave it honors grades but not straight As). It troubles me that we’re so narrowly focused on just two subjects within the school curriculum. I’ve no idea what “cut scores” will be established for the forthcoming tests nor whether colleges and employers will take them seriously. I’m alarmed that one of the new assessment consortia doesn’t seem serious about accountability. I’m wary of what Congress will do to the Common Core when it finally gets around to reauthorizing NCLB. I’m nervous about the administration’s political backbone as electoral stakes rise. I’m skeptical about the stick-to-it-iveness of states that pledge their troth to Common Core but are rejected at the Race to the Top altar. (This may get clear fast. On Tuesday, a dozen states that had already adopted the new standards—more than one third of all adopters—were omitted from Secretary Duncan’s list of RTT finalists.)

Right, now we are getting somewhere. Checker forgot to mention that no one has any assurance whatsoever about the maintenance of the standards and tests, if they are any good to start with,  which is in doubt.

But what’s the point of just fretting and biting my nails and issuing cries of alarum? The education status quo sucks, to put it bluntly. Conserving it is no fit work for conservatives. In most of the country, they—we—should demand something better.

I certainly can’t speak for all Common Core skeptics, but “conserving the status-quo” is not my cup of K-12 tea. I completely agree that the status-quo sucks out loud. That doesn’t mean I should support something as poorly thought out as Common Core.

My state (Arizona) received pretty good grades for standards from Fordham, but it is painfully obvious that nothing about the status-quo of testing has been driving improvement. Our state has 44% of 4th graders who can’t read according to NAEP, and 4% of schools labeled underperforming by the Arizona Department of Education.

Arizona’s system, in short, devolved into a cruel joke on kids.

So what did we do?  Rather than dreaming about some implausible federal “solution” we fought back. We talked to our policymakers. Our governor called for Arizona to adopt the Florida method for grading schools based upon a combination of overall scores and student learning gains. Our legislature adopted the law with a bipartisan majority.  There will be attempts to water this down. The fight goes on.

If Arizona adopts the Common Core standards, and they turn out to be unteachable mush, how do I seek redress? I know who to talk to here in Arizona.  I get to vote for these people. Why should I want academic standards for my children drawn up by some faceless body of alleged grandees?  Churchill’s had it right when he said that democracy is the worst form of government ever devised, except for all the other ones.

In 2005, Esquire ran an article about Donald Rumsfeld called “An Old Man in a Hurry.”  As the United States continued to wallow in a full-blown Iraqi insurgency for which it had failed to prepare, the title of this piece became increasingly ironic. The title derived from an old English expression “Beware of an old man in a hurry.”

Checker isn’t old in my book, but is a highly respected veteran of the school reform movement. He’s earned the stars on his shoulder, and my admiration. He has an insightful intelligence and a knack for quickly getting to the heart of things. He may have forgotten more about K-12 policy than I’ll ever know. 

Passion however can lead to impatience, impatience can lead to recklessness, and recklessness leads to suffering. David Petraeus ought not to have been forced to write the United States Army Counterinsurgency Manual on the field in Iraq in 2006. ( Hundreds of thousands of people in the military, but no one had time to write one before. Hmmm.) Likewise, Donald Rumsfeld ought not to have invaded Iraq without an occupation plan. 

“Relax, don’t worry, be happy, we’ll figure out that stuff later” is an opening verse to a song that often ends in disaster. Rushing to adopt academic standards without so much as a reassuring fairy-tale of how they will be maintained over time is reckless.

Conservatism isn’t exclusively about preserving the status-quo. It also involves caution and a healthy respect for the law of unintended consequences.  Rummy forgot this and it seems to come and go with Checker, sometimes within the span of a single essay. Checker circa 1997 seemed to have it figured out, Checker circa 2010 seems to have thrown caution to the wind.