Indiana is the new Florida, but Florida is the new FLORIDA

September 29, 2011

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

I have received reports from a reliable source, as yet undocumented, that digital learning courses more than doubled last year, and that in the wake of the new charter school law rewarding excellence, that the state has received over 300 applications for new schools. If there was any doubt left, the choice genie is officially out of the Florida bottle.

Indiana will have to redouble their already impressive efforts.


American School Reform

September 28, 2011

“The spirit of enterprise, which characterizes the commercial part of America, has left no occasion of displaying itself unimproved.”

-Federalist 7

“In a state of disunion…that unequaled spirit of enterprise, which signalizes the genius of the American merchants and navigators, and which is in itself an inexhaustible mine of national wealth, would be stifled and lost, and poverty and disgrace would overspread a country which, with wisdom, might make herself the admiration and envy of the world.”

– Federalist 11

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

Jay, Rick Hess and Paul Peterson have all recently made really impressive scholarly contributions that all point to the same conclusion: “It’s not all about poor kids,” so it’s time to overcome “our achievement-gap mania” and get our “globally challenged” total population of kids – including the middle-class suburban white ones – “ready to compete.” Because it’s clear that they’re not, and it’s clear that they need to be, more than ever before.

This is a really encouraging development and a badly needed message for school reformers. There is no law of nature that says America will always be a flourishing and successful nation, and it will not in fact remain so unless we overcome our myopia and confront the mediocre performance of all our schools.

Raising the “floor” is important. But it’s much more important to get rid of the “ceiling” – the sense that in most schools we’re already good enough, the sense that we don’t need improvement. In fact, removing the ceiling will do more to raise the floor than any of our direct efforts to raise the floor.

Here’s my concern. As we move to confront the middle-class white suburbanites with the inadequacy of their schools, it’s important that the message not be “your school sucks and I can prove it.” Not that I hear Jay, Rick or Paul saying that; they’re not. But that will be the cariacature our enemies will deploy against us. We have to take proactive steps to preempt that tactic.

I think we can improve our message by grounding it in an affirmation of what’s best about America. America is an enterprise society; always has been. America was founded as the country that looked at Europe, clinging (bitterly) to the last remaining remnants of a thousand years of feudalism on the assumption that the basic ways of the world could never be changed, and said: “The old ways aren’t good enough. We can do better. We will plant our roots in the past, but our branches must grow upward.”

We can draw on that as we speak into suburban complacency. A tree that isn’t growing is dying; for nations as for forests, there is no comfortable plateau. Nations that seek comfortable plateaus, like those in Europe today, wither. Americans have never wanted a comfortable plateau; we want every generation to be more blessed than the last. However, the data in our schools show that our national future is clearly not being prepared for growth. But this is America. We don’t accept complacency. We don’t shrug our shoulders and accept decline. We know we can do better. And there are models of reform that can unlock our potential.

Grounding this new direction for school reform in the American culture as an enterprise society will keep us from descending into squabbling over whether we’re “anti-public schools” and keep everyone’s eye on the ball: the flourishing of our national future.


It’s Not All About Poor Kids

September 27, 2011

Education reform has really focused on improving the quality of education for our most disadvantaged students.  This focus is not entirely without reason, since large, urban school districts serving low-income students are clearly dysfunctional.

But this nearly exclusive focus on improving the education of the poor has concealed the sub-par education being provided in many of our most affluent school districts.  As the new article Josh McGee and I wrote for Education Next shows, suburban public school districts may look good when compared against their urban neighbors, but when compared with students in 25 other developed countries many affluent suburbs barely keep pace.  That is, our best is often mediocre.

If the children of affluent suburbanites want to maintain their parents’ high standard of living, they need to be performing near the top relative to student overseas with whom they now have to compete for high-paying jobs in an increasingly globalized economy.  Doing better than the kids in big city school districts should provide suburbanites with little comfort.

But this is precisely the comparison we encourage suburbanites to make.  State accountability testing shows suburban districts doing better than the rest of the state, which consists largely of big urban districts.  Policymakers and reformers talk endlessly about the “achievement gap,” highlighting how much worse low-income and minority students are doing.  As Rick Hess recently noted, “our achievement gap mania” has stifled the innovation we need to improve education across the board.

It’s an old saying in public policy that “programs for the poor are poor programs.”  The same is true in education.  If we focus exclusively on improving the education in big cities we fail to engender the support education reform needs from suburban elites if it is to be successful.  As long as suburbanites think that education reform is something for those poor kids in large urban districts, they will never fully commit to the kind and scale of reform that is really needed to improve things in big cities as well as everywhere else.  They’re afraid to muck up what they think is a successful education system for their own children.

As our new Education Next piece shows, this suburban complacency is not well-founded.  Suburbanites need education reform for the sake of their own children and not just for the poor kids in the big cities.  If suburban elites commit to education reform for their own children,we may finally get improvement for low-income kids in the cities as well.

Student achievement in virtually every one of the nearly 14,000 public school districts in the United States compared to students overseas can be found at The Global Report Card’s interactive web site.  With the support of the George W. Bush Institute, we’ve been able to provide this information so that everyone can look up their own and other districts to see that the need for education reform is not confined to big cities.


Global Report Card Released Tomorrow

September 26, 2011

Keep your eyes out for tomorrow’s release of the Global Report Card.  This is a project conducted by Josh McGee and me in which we measure student achievement in virtually every school district in the U.S. against the performance of students in an international comparison group consisting of 25 developed countries. The project is sponsored by the George W. Bush Institute.

There will be an interactive web site containing all of the results.  And Josh and I have an article discussing some important findings from the Global Report Card that will go up on the Education Next web site tomorrow (www.educationnext.org ).

Also watch for Laura Bush on the Today Show tomorrow as part of NBC’s Education Nation .


Amen Brother!

September 23, 2011

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

Watch this, like right now. Don’t wait, do it now.


The Race is On: Indiana is the new Florida, but who will be the next Indiana?

September 22, 2011

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

The 2011 legislative sessions set a new standard for K-12 reform, can 2012 hope to compare? The logical response would be something along the lines of “not bloody likely.” The electoral calendar, the fact that many of the reform states are likely to be distracted by policy implementation, and the fact that the molasses states and likely to stay in their torpor all point to a diminished of expectations for next year.

Taking a step back from questions of the pace of reform, it makes for good bloggy fun to speculate where large breakthroughs might occur.

Looking regionally, Big 10 country clearly led the way last year. Indiana engaged in incredible soup to nuts reform, with big reform undertakings in Ohio, Wisconsin and even (gasp) Illinois with tenure reform. The Minnesota legislature passed transformative reforms, but settled for some incremental steps this year. Big things are under discussion in Michigan. Iowa is discussing reform, while Pennsylvania seems to be searching for their sea legs, which I expect them to find.

By comparison to the Big Ten, the South seems stuck in neutral, outside of Florida, Louisiana and Oklahoma. Texas and North Carolina used to be reform leaders, but they faded after plucking the low-hanging fruit of reform (standardized testing). North Carolina shows some signs of rousing. Tennessee has entered into a serious discussion about reform. Reform is on like Donkey Kong in Oklahoma- special needs vouchers followed by school grading and 3rd grade retention and a tuition tax credit program.

The Northeast features some interesting dynamics in Maine, and fascinating struggle between Democrats for Education Reform and the AFT in New York. Lots of small rural schools in the northeast will eventually benefit from digital learning.

When you look out West, you see a clueless giant surrounded by more nimble neighbors. All three states bordering California-Arizona, Nevada and Oregon -have taken steps to enact reform. Yes- even Oregon! Governors Sandoval of Nevada and Martinez of New Mexico have brought a new energy to reform discussions in their states. Arizona, Utah and New Mexico have adopted A-F school grading, with Utah also passing a far-reaching digital learning bill.

Florida enacted comprehensive reform in 1999. Indiana did it in 2011.  Which states will be next? I could tell you, but then I might have to kill you. Feel free to speculate in the comments section.


My Testimony on National Standards before US House

September 21, 2011

As I mentioned yesterday, I testified before the US House Subcommittee on Early Education, Elementary, and Secondary Education.  Here is the written testimony I submitted:

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for having me here to testify today.  My name is Jay P. Greene and I am the 21st Century Professor of Education Reform at the University of Arkansas.  I am also a fellow at the George W. Bush Institute located at Southern Methodist University.

I am here today to talk with you about how we can best achieve high standards and improve outcomes in education.  There is a large effort underway to change educational standards, curriculum, and assessments by centralizing the process.  This effort is based on the belief that we will get more rigorous standards and better student outcomes if standards, curriculum, and assessments are determined, or at least coordinated, at the national level.  It began with the use of Race to the Top to push states to adopt the Common Core standards, but will also require national curriculum and assessments to be fully implemented.

I believe this centralized approach is mistaken.  The best way to produce high academic standards and better student learning is by decentralizing the process of determining standards, curriculum, and assessments.  When we have choice and competition among different sets of standards, curricula, and assessments, they tend to improve in quality to better suit student needs and result in better outcomes.

One thing that should be understood with respect to nationalized approaches is that there is no evidence that countries that have nationalized systems get better results.  Advocates for nationalization will point to other countries, such as Singapore, with higher achievement that also have a nationalized system as proof that we should do the same.  But they fail to acknowledge that many countries that do worse than the United States on international tests also have nationalized systems.  Conversely, many of the countries that do better than the United States, such as Canada, Australia, and Belgium, have decentralized systems.  The research shows little or no relationship between nationalized approaches and student achievement.

In addition, there is no evidence that the Common Core standards are rigorous or will help produce better results.  The only evidence in support of Common Core consists of projects funded directly or indirectly by the Gates Foundation in which panels of selected experts are asked to offer their opinion on the quality of Common Core standards.  Not surprisingly, panels organized by the backers of Common Core believe that Common Core is good.  This is not research; this is just advocates of Common Core re-stating their support.  The few independent evaluations of Common Core that exist suggest that its standards are mediocre and represent little change from what most states already have.

If that’s true, what’s the harm in pursuing a nationalized approach?  First, nationalized approaches lack a mechanism for continual improvement.  Given how difficult it is to agree upon them, once we set national standards, curriculum, and assessments, they are nearly impossible to change.  If we discover a mistake or wish to try a new and possibly better approach, we can’t switch.  We are stuck with whatever national choices we make for a very long time.  And if we make a mistake we will impose it on the entire country.

Second, to the extent that there will be change in a nationalized system of standards, curriculum, and assessments, it will be directed by the most powerful organized interests in education, and probably not by reformers.  Making standards more rigorous and setting cut scores on assessments higher would show the education system in a more negative light, so teachers unions and other organized interests in education may attempt to steer the nationalized system in a less rigorous direction.  In general, it is unwise to build a national church if you are a minority religion.  Reformers should recognize that they are the political minority and should avoid building a nationalized system that the unions and other forces of the status quo will likely control.

Third, we are a large and diverse country.  Teaching everyone the same material at the same time and in the same way may work in small homogenous countries, like Finland, but it cannot work in the United States.  There is no single best way that would be appropriate for all students in all circumstances.

I do not mean to suggest that math is different in one place than it is in another, but the way in which we can best approach math, the age and sequence in which we introduce material, may vary significantly.  As a concrete example, California currently introduces algebra in 8th grade but Common Core calls for this to be done in 9th grade.  We don’t really know the best way for all students and it is dangerous to decide this at the national level and impose it on everyone.

I understand that there is great frustration with the weak standards, low cut-scores, and abysmal achievement in many states.  But this problem was not caused by a lack of centralization and cannot be fixed by nationalizing standards, curriculum, and assessments.  Instead, the solution to weak state results is to decentralize further so that we increase choice and competition in education.  If school systems have to earn students and the revenue they generate, they will gravitate toward more effective standards, curriculum, and assessments.

This decentralized system I am describing of choice and competition producing improvement is not purely theoretical.  It actually existed in the United States and helped build an education system that was the envy of the world.  Remember that public education was not created by the order of the national government.  Local communities built their own schools, set their own standards, devised their own curriculum, and evaluated their own efforts.  At one time there were nearly 100,000 local school districts operating almost entirely autonomously.

When people became convinced that students needed a secondary education, these districts started consolidating to be large enough to build high schools.  No one ordered them to consolidate and build high schools.  They did it because they recognized that people would be reluctant to move into their community unless it offered a secondary education.  That is, in our highly mobile society people had choices about where to live and communities had to compete for residents and tax base by offering an education system that people would want.  Standards were raised and outcomes improved through this decentralized system of choice and competition among local school districts.

The progress we were making in education, however, stalled when we started significantly centralizing education and reducing the extent of choice and competition among districts.  The policies, practices, and funding of schools has increasingly shifted to the state and national governments and greater uniformity has been imposed by unionization.  The enemy of high standards and improving outcomes is centralization.

We can see this same process of setting better standards through a decentralized system in other domains.  For example, in the video cassette industry there were competing standards: Betamax and VHS.  If we had simply imposed a national standard through the government or by a committee of experts, we almost certainly would have ended up with Betamax.  Sony, the producer of Betamax, was larger and more politically powerful than the consortium backing VHS.  And experts were enamored with the superior picture quality offered by Betamax.  But instead we had a decentralized system of determining the standard, where consumers could choose which standard they preferred rather than have it imposed by the government or a committee of experts.  As it turns out, consumers overwhelmingly preferred VHS.  It was cheaper and the tapes could play longer videos.  Consumers were willing to trade-off a reduction in picture quality for the ability to watch an entire movie without having to get up in the middle to change tapes.  Centralized standards-setters can’t know the best way and impose it on everyone.  It takes a decentralized system of choice and competition for us to learn about the better standard and gravitate toward it.

In addition, if Betamax had been imposed by a centralized authority, we almost certainly would have been stuck with that technology for a long time.  We would have stifled the innovation that produced DVDs and now Blu-Ray.  Choice and competition not only allows us to figure out the best standard for today, but leave open the possibility that new standards will be introduced that are even better and that consumers may prefer those in the future.

There is an unfortunate tendency in public policy to stifle this decentralized process of setting standards.  Policymakers are often tempted to identify the best approach, often through a panel of experts, and then impose that approach on everyone.  After all, if something is the best, why would we want to allow people to do something else?  This is a temptation I urge you to resist in education.  Even the best-intentioned experts have a hard time recognizing what the best approach would be.  And once it is set by experts, there is no mechanism like the one we get from choice and competition for improving upon that whatever “best” standards, curriculum, and assessments are identified.  Essentially, what we are talking about is the danger of central planning.  It doesn’t work in running the economy any more than it would in running our education system.

Fortunately, the nationalization effort is still in its early stages and there is time for Congress to exercise its authority and preserve a decentralized system for setting standards, curriculum, and assessments.  I should emphasize that the movement toward a nationalized system has not been voluntary on the part of the states.  It was coerced by the U.S. Department of Education as a condition for receiving Race to the Top funds and I fear that coercion may be continued with the offer of selective waivers from No Child Left Behind requirements.

I hope that you will help restore our decentralized system of setting standards, curriculum, and assessments, which is a far more effective way of producing progress in student learning.


The Way of the Future: ESA for a la carte

September 20, 2011

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

Utah state Rep. John Dougall has announced plans to introduce legislation to fund student education through a system of education savings accounts rather than through a system of payments to districts.

From the Salt Lake Tribune:

The plan would be unique in the United States and, just like initiatives from the Utah Legislature on public employee pension reform and Medicaid reform, could become a model for other states, its supporters boast.

For example, one parent of a Highland High School student contacted me recently to complain that his straight-A student wanted to take an AP European history class that is not offered by Highland, but is offered by Skyline, which is in a different school district. The request to remain a full-time student in the Salt Lake District’s Highland High but take that one class in the Granite District’s Skyline High was denied, mostly for reasons of state funding of the school districts, although the  Skyline administration said the class was full anyway.

Dougall says his legislation would solve the problem for that student.

He said the student would not be tied to one particular school. He or she could take, say, four classes at Highland, and pay Highland out of the student account for those four classes, then take two at Skyline, paying the money to Skyline from the account, then take a class at applied technology school and pay that school out of the account.  The student could move between school districts while utilizing his or her schedule and could also use the money for charter schools or online instruction.

The plan would put into the student’s account nearly $6,000 a year under the assumption a typical high school class costs a school district about $700. The account would cover up to eight classes per year, with the ability of rolling the money over to the next year if the entire $6,000 was not spent.

Under Dougall’s vision, if the student didn’t spend all the money in the account during his or her four high school years, that student could use the left-over funds toward college.

Educators say that, conceptually, the plan is intriguing, but myriad details would need to be worked out.

Dougall’s proposal would profoundly empower parents, increase parental involvement, require careful consideration of opportunity costs, and spur education innovation. It builds upon previous steps taken to fund digital learning on a per course basis in Utah.

Let’s see how the discussion unfolds-these types of very far-reaching steps represent precisely the conversation and debate that we should be having.


Testimony on National Standards, Curriculum, and Assessments

September 20, 2011

I’ll be testifying tomorrow (Wednesday) at 10 am ET in front of the US House Subcommittee on Early Childhood, Elementary, and Secondary Education on national standards, curriculum, and assessments.  You can go to the Education and the Workforce Committee’s web site to watch it live-streaming.

I’ll post my written testimony later.


The Solyndra of Digital Learning

September 19, 2011

Education Secretary, Arne Duncan, and Netflix CEO, Reed Hasting, have an op-ed in today’s Wall Street Journal that starts out great but then goes dramatically downhill.  They begin by recognizing the amazing potential of digital learning:

In the past two decades, technology has revolutionized the way Americans communicate, get news, socialize and conduct business. But technology has yet to transform our classrooms. At its full potential, technology could personalize and accelerate instruction for students of all educational levels. And it could provide equitable access to a world-class education for millions of students stuck attending substandard schools in cities, remote rural regions, and tribal reservations.

But then they advocate for a federal government-backed corporation to realize digital learning’s potential:

Too often, the market for educational technology has been inefficient and fragmented. The nation’s 14,000 school districts, more than a few of which have byzantine procurement systems, have been inefficient consumers and have failed to drive consistent demand. And a robust R&D base for improving and refining educational technology has been sadly lacking.

To help remedy those gaps, the Department of Education is launching a unique public-private partnership called Digital Promise.

The last thing digital learning needs is a government funded outfit to develop it.  The government is particularly bad at picking technological winners and losers.  And if the government pours money into Digital Promise and signals to states and districts that they should adopt what Digital Promise endorses, they will stifle a developing vibrant marketplace that will experiment with different technologies and approaches to learn what work best.

If you don’t believe me that the government is particularly incapable of picking winners and losers in technology, just look at the example of Solyndra.  The government poured more than half a billion dollars of stimulus money into Solyndra’s technology for solar energy, believing that it would be the wave of the future.  As it turns out, they backed a more expensive technology that failed to win in the marketplace.  Solyndra recently declared bankruptcy, laying off more than 1,000 workers and blowing more than half a billion dollars of taxpayer money.

In addition to blowing taxpayer money by backing the wrong technology, Digital Promise is the digital learning equivalent of mandating Betamax.  If we privilege the wrong technology we will crowd out better solutions and productive innovation.

Giving taxpayer money to certain outfits also runs the risk of corruption, since political connections may well influence which company and technologies get backed.  This leads to Crony Capitalism, or crapitalism.

For the sake of digital learning, Mr. Secretary, please stop “helping” it with a government backed organization, like Digital Promise.

(Correction: Digital Promise is a Non-Profit Organization, but all the points still apply)