Pass the Popcorn: Basterds = Glorious Fun

September 4, 2009

(Guest Post by Matthew Ladner)

It has been a long time since I walked out of a movie almost speechless other than an occassional “WOW…I mean………WOW!!!!”

Inglorious Basterds, a Quentin Tarrantino film a decade in the making, did the trick.

This flick will not be everyone’s cup of tea. Par for the course for QT, there is grisly violence. Described as a Spagetti Western set in Nazi occupied France, the film struck me as being longer than it ought to have been. Having said that, Inglorious Basterds is a great example of post modern film and a roller coaster of fun.

The film has dual subplots. In the first, Brad Pitt plays a charismatic Tennessee redneck army officer who recruits a team of Jewish soldiers to infiltrate occupied France to terrorize the Nazis. Pitt is out to terrorize the Nazis, and emulating the Apaches, demands 100 Nazi scalps from each of his troops. Pitt was magnificent in this role, and I found myself wanting to get back to his psycho-cartoon while the other plot developed.

The second plot features a young covertly Jewish woman in Paris who owns a movie theatre, and develops a plot to kill the Nazi high command, including Hitler himself, at a film screening. Here’s the trailer:

The name of this movie could just have easily been Nazis Need Killin’!!!! or I want my scalps!!!!!!

Christopher Waltz’s chillingly evil but elegant portrayal of an SS officer earned him a well deserved best actor nomination at Cannes.

As alternative universe World War II spagetti-western psycho Nazi killing revenge fantasies go, this  one is aces. It builds to an amazing cresendo, and left me wanting to turn around and see it again.


Ignorance May Be Bliss, But It Makes Bad Policy

September 4, 2009

ignorance-is-bliss

(Guest post by Greg Forster)

ALELR draws attention to some problematic details in the Gallup/PDK poll finding on Americans’ support for charter schools.

 I hate to draw attention to the PDK poll, since its voucher support question has been shown to be misleading in a way that drives down the appearance of voucher support by an astonishing 23 percentage points. But I feel pretty safe because the PDK voucher question has lost so much credibility that it’s not really very dangerous any more.

So back to the charter school question. PDK finds 64% of Americans support charter schools. That’s the topline. But guess what else you find if you look below that?

A majority of Americans don’t think charter schools are public schools.

57% believe charter schools charge tuition.

71% believe charter schools can select their own students.

Perhaps vouchers and charters were separated at birth.

Bear that in mind the next time you hear charters are more popular than vouchers. First of all, I doubt that it’s true – I’ve seen plenty of polls with around 64% support for vouchers. But on top of that, how sure are we that when people say they support charters they don’t think they’re supporting sending children to private schools of their choice using public funds, which is the very definition of a voucher?

Image HT I Think I Believe


Universal Voucher Benefits

September 3, 2009

Economist Maria Marta Ferreyra of Carnegie Mellon University has a new article coming out in the American Economic Review that models what would happen in a multi-district urban area if there were universal vouchers.  She finds that universal vouchers would generally improve income and racial integration and improve educational outcomes.

She explains it all in this excellent video:

UPDATED to correct typo


Tampa Tribune Op-Ed

September 3, 2009

Marcus Winters and I have an op-ed in this morning’s Tampa Tribune on how Florida’s McKay voucher program for special education students has restrained the spiraling growth in special education enrollments in public schools.  We write:

In Florida, as in most other states, schools receive additional funding for each student identified as disabled. Often, these additional resources are greater than the actual cost of providing special-education services, giving schools a financial incentive to increase their diagnoses.

The financial incentive to misdiagnose is particularly apparent when classifying students as having a specific learning disability (SLD). That’s because SLD is the most common, the most ambiguous, and the least costly category of special education. In many cases, school officials might simply be trying to get extra resources to help struggling students. But the net effect is the misclassification of a huge number of students as having an SLD.

The McKay program reduces the financial incentive for Florida’s schools to misdiagnose learning disabilities by placing revenue at risk whenever a student is placed into special education…

In our new study, we found as the number of nearby, McKay-accepting private schools increases, the probability that a public school will identify a student as having an SLD decreases significantly. The program reduced the probability that a fourth-, fifth-, or sixth-grader in a school facing the average number of nearby private options was diagnosed as SLD by about 15 percent.


School Board Democracy

September 2, 2009

Over at the Education Next Blog, my second blogging home, Peter Meyer has an excellent post about what school board democracy really looks like.

He describes how a gadfly like him could only manage to slip onto the board through a “stealth” campaign.  Normally boards are dominated by those backed by current school district employees or other status quo forces.  Those with the greatest vested interest in the status quo are the most motivated to turn-out during the intentionally inaccessible school board elections scheduled on off-election days.  But the low turn-out also allows a stealth candidate like Peter to get elected every now and then.  Don’t worry, now that he’s no longer stealth it’s very likely that a well-funded and organized challenger will unseat him next time around.

Peter then describes how the school board repeatedly blocked his efforts to open up school district decisions to greater scrutiny and public discussion:

And, after being sworn in, they went out of their way to keep me in the dark.  If the superintendent recommended hiring a new teacher and I asked to see the candidate’s resume, a motion was quickly made that school board did not want to see said resume.  It passed, 6 to 1.  When a special board meeting was called to approve $25 million in construction contracts, I asked to see the contracts.  “I make a motion that the board does not look at the contracts,” said one of my colleagues. “I second that, said another.”  Another defeat, 6 to 1…. My orientation consisted of the board president and superintendent sitting me down and saying, “You’re not getting anything.”

Ahh, democracy in action.

Oddly, Peter’s faith in school board democracy remains unshaken: “There is much debate in policy chambers and think tanks across the country about the value of school boards.  I am here to say we need them. And we need more of them.  They remain a kind of last hope for democracy, where a rogue can actually be elevated to position of authority, bringing a flashlight –- and, sometimes, a pulpit — to the process.”

I emphasize “faith” because it is hard to understand Peter’s commitment to the value of school boards given his experiences without attributing to him a religious-like devotion to it.  In the comments section of his post I objected that his examples support the position that school boards are a dead-end for reformers.  Rather than rely on the phony democracy of low turnout and insider controlled school boards, reformers should rely on markets.  Yes, we need democracy to set the rules for the markets, but that can be done by state legislatures.  We don’t need democratically elected boards to run schools.  Charter schools, for example, do just fine operating in markets without democratically elected boards to run them.

I fear that Peter’s committment to school board democracy despite all evidence that should dissuade him of his view is part of our national secular religion of public school.  It’s actually more like a cult.  We falsely believe that the public school is the foundation of our democracy when in fact our democracy preceded it by more than a century.  We wrongly believe that the public school is the main engine of civic progress when we know that public schools were segregated by law for most of their existence.  We wrongly believe that public schools are best at teaching political tolerance and other civic values, when the evidence shows that private schools actually serve these public goals better

Until we shake this cult-like devotion to public schools, expect more education pundits dancing through the airport singing their hare krishna song about the democratic virtues of public schools.

CLARIFICATION — I din’t mean to suggest that Peter is one of those cult members who worship at the true church of the public school.  I was just suggesting that these ideas pervade our thinking so that even very sharp reformers like Peter are dragged into praising school board democracy.


Phony Numbers

September 1, 2009

A chronic problem with centralized accountability systems is that they require accurate information from the agent that is being held accountable.  But because people don’t like to squeeze vises on their own hands, they are often tempted to slip out of the vise by fudging the numbers.  And because the centralized authority is often reluctant to squeeze the vise anyway, preferring the happy story that schools are reforming but never reformed, obvious fudging of the numbers is tolerated.

I’ve documented this problem when it comes to graduation rates, which have often been misreported to avoid political embarrassment and accountability sanctions. 

Now David Muhlhausen, Don Soifer, and Dan Lips over at Heritage (with help from Jonetta Rose Barras at the Washington Examiner) have uncovered a new type of phony numbers — school crime and safety information. 

The Heritage report used Freedom of Information requests to the D.C. police to find reports of violence and criminal activity at DC schools.  The prevalence of violence and criminal activity is shocking and helps explain why students may be so eager to get vouchers for private schools or switch to charter schools.

But if you look at the officially reported numbers that D.C. schools report to the U.S. Department of Education in the “Indicators of School Crime and Safety,” as they are required to do by our centralized accountability law, you’d get a completely different (and almost certainly misleading) picture.

According to the Heritage report based on FOI requests of police records, there were 860 violent incidents at D.C. public schools during the 2007-08 school year, including 1 murder, 41 sex offenses, and 608 assaults.  But according to the office that submits the official D.C. crime and safety information to the U.S. Dept of Ed, there were only 40 violent crimes during that same period.  What happened to the other 820 that were reported to the police?

The difference between the crime and safety numbers reported for accountability purposes and those discovered through FOI requests to the police is huge.  They differ by a factor of 20!

I have to confess that stories like this shake my confidence in our ability to improve public schools through centralized accountability systems.

CORRECTION — I wrote “vice” when I meant “vise.”  That’s a great Freudian slip.